دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 An Analysis of the Freedom Movement’s Activities for Preserving Political Ideological Identity and Sustaining Its Struggle during the Interregnum of Political Inactivity (1963–1977) واکاوی فعالیت‌های نهضت آزادی جهت حفظ هویت سیاسی-ایدئولوژیک و استمرار مبارزه در دوران فترت فعالیت‌های سیاسی(1356-1342) 289 314 106890 10.48308/irhj.2026.243010.1482 FA فریده باوریان استادیار تاریخ انقلاب اسلامی، گروه معارف اسلامی، دانشکده الهیات و معارف اسلامی، دانشگاه ایلام توران منصوری دانش‌آموخته دکترای تاریخ انقلاب اسلامی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 12 23 Abstract The Freedom Movement of Iran has commanded significant attention in contemporary political studies due to its undeniable impact on the trajectory of revolutionary developments. Shortly after its establishment, the party faced widespread arrests of its leaders and experienced severe restrictions, remaining unable to conduct any overt party or organizational activities until the onset of the political opening period. Nevertheless, this movement managed to preserve its political-ideological identity by adopting mechanisms appropriate for the period of dormancy and achieved convergence with the revolutionary current in the struggle against the Pahlavi regime. Therefore, the present research, employing a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on library resources, publications, and documents, seeks to analyze how the struggle and organizational reconstruction of this party continued during the stagnation of political activities. In this regard, the findings, addressing the question, “How was the Freedom Movement able to preserve its political-ideological identity and the continuation of its struggle process during the period of suppressed political activities against the Pahlavi regime?”, are based on the premise that: Under these circumstances, the Freedom Movement was able to safeguard its political-ideological identity and guarantee the continuity of its struggle current by utilizing the capacity of its younger members to establish underground organizations and clandestine activities, organizing educational and research activities alongside conducting debates and speeches in prison, managing its branches abroad and actively engaging with international bodies and Imam Khomeini, and ultimately, through intellectual-Islamic activities under the auspices of affiliated institutions and the reorganization of party activities by its initial founders. Introduction The Freedom Movement of Iran consisted of a group of national‑religious figures influenced by European civilization and liberal ideology. In 1961, under the leadership of Mehdi Bazargan, and in response to Mohammad‑Reza Shah’s speeches emphasizing the need for forming parties and associations, it emerged as the first organized political party with political‑religious objectives.Their shared features and alignment with the National Front on the one hand, and their religious nature and relatively close ties with the clergy on the other, enabled the Freedom Movement to act as a bridge between non‑religious forces and those with a political‑religious culture. Their connection with religious figures led this party to show the greatest solidarity with the religious forces under Imam Khomeini's leadership during his opposition to the Provincial and Local Assemblies Bill. Furthermore, during the White Revolution, while adopting stances similar to those of the protesting clergy, they explicitly boycotted the referendum by issuing a declaration. However, the issuance of this declaration, along with several other statements accusing the Shah of causing disorder, corruption, and decline in the country, led to their confrontation with the regime. As a result, some of the leaders and activists of the national‑religious camp within the Freedom Movement’s central council were arrested and imprisoned on charges of acting against national security and opposing a constitutional monarchy. But this situation created a period of dormancy in the activities of the Freedom Movement, which lasted until the period of political openness in 1977. During this period, with full power concentrated in the hands of the Shah, independent parties dissolved, and SAVAK's rule, any organized political activity was banned, and the party was practically prevented from overt political activity. This is because the party's formal structure disintegrated, and its public activities were shut down. This situation highlighted the necessity of examining the mechanisms of the movement to preserve its political-ideological identity and continue the struggle until its reorganization in 1978. The present research, by posing the question: "What were the organizational strategies of the Freedom Movement of Iran during the political interregnum to preserve its identity and continue its activities, and what impacts did these strategies have on its organizational structure on the eve of the revolution?", seeks to explain the continuity and organizational reconstruction of the Freedom Movement during this period. Materials And Methods The aim of this research is to focus, in a documented and comprehensive manner, on the programs and political actions of the Freedom Movement for its organizational survival and the preservation of its political-ideological identity during the period of dormancy in their political activities from 1963-1978. This research aims to demonstrate how a political movement, despite security pressures, managed to prevent its complete dissolution within the oppressive structure of the regime and ultimately engaged in convergence with revolutionary forces during the process of the Islamic Revolution's victory. Therefore, unlike other studies, a significant portion of whose existing literature explains the Freedom Movement's intellectual backgrounds, performance, and ideological rifts with other groups, and its interactions with religious forces, etc., they often do not offer substantial information in analyzing periods when the movement's activities are interrupted. The research in question has not limited its scope to the history of formation, performance, ideology, and positions of the Freedom Movement regarding the periods before and after the Islamic Revolution. Instead, while not delving into the prevalent discussions in other works, it has attempted to provide important and enlightening insights into this era when the party's official political activity was effectively shut down. To this end, the present research, employing a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on library resources, publications, and published and unpublished documents available at the National Archives and Library Organization and the Islamic Revolution Documents Center, as well as an unpublished interview in the archive of the Institute for the Compilation and Publication of the Works of Imam Khomeini, has sought to investigate the manner of the Freedom Movement's struggle and organizational reconstruction during the period of political inactivity. Result and Discussion Following the widespread arrest and trial of the leaders of the Freedom Movement, the party's activities within the country were declared illegal after nineteen months. This verdict not only faced internal protests from the people, scholars, and Shia Maraji' (sources of emulation) but also garnered widespread international opposition from thirty-two countries. However, with the imprisonment of the leaders, the party was prevented from overt political activity for many years afterward. Consequently, it faced internal organizational changes, and even a segment of its young and radical members shifted their approach from peaceful resistance towards armed struggle. In this era, party members at various levels adopted strategies to preserve their political-ideological identity and continue the struggle, awaiting a suitable time to resume official activities. In the first stage, younger figures and second and third-tier members organized the movement's activities by establishing underground structures and engaging in clandestine operations outside of prison. These organizations continued the activities of the Freedom Movement, including political propaganda, issuing statements and analyses, delivering speeches, and holding secret meetings. Alongside these clandestine organizations, they also utilized active committees such as those for intellectuals, students, merchants, workers, a committee for provincial organization, and a committee for education, propaganda, and publications. In this phase, their primary mode of activity was peaceful and limited to printing and distributing declarations. Due to the party being declared illegal, they were unable to hold any gatherings. In the second stage, the imprisoned leaders, by changing their strategy from direct political activity to academic-cultural and intellectual-educational endeavors (albeit often with political themes and orientations), sought to protect the organization from collapse, thereby providing the grounds for the continuation of the intellectual and organizational life of the movement. This policy, while preserving the intellectual heritage of the movement, ensured its continued existence. During this period, their activities to preserve the ideology of the movement can be defined at three levels:1.Educational-Research Activities: This included organizing French and Arabic language classes, translating and writing texts, and holding sessions for the interpretation of the Quran and Nahj al-Balagha. 2. Regular Weekly Lectures: Organized lectures by Ayatollah Taleghani, Mehdi Bazargan, and Ezzatollah Sahabi. 3. Internal Group Discussions: Sessions and debates between the older and newer generations of the Freedom Movement, who respectively adhered to different ideologies of liberalism and socialism. In the third stage, the Freedom Movement's organizations abroad in Europe and America were led by Ebrahim Yazdi, who organized activities as follows: During this stage, the activities organized by the Freedom Movement's leadership under Ebrahim Yazdi included:Preparation for Armed Struggle: Establishing the "Sama" (Union and Action) as the first Iranian armed underground organization.Engagement with International Bodies. Communicating with international organizations to highlight human rights violations in Iran.Recruitment of Educated Forces: Efforts to attract educated individuals residing in the U.S. with religious inclinations to enhance the political knowledge of the youth based on religious faith. Interaction with Imam Khomeini: Collaborating with Imam Khomeini during his exile in Iraq and France, which significantly impacted the growth, influence, and acceptance of this branch and its leaders. In the final stage, the released leaders of the Freedom Movement organized their activities. However, due to the prevailing oppressive atmosphere and the impossibility of peaceful struggle for opposing groups, they were unable to engage in independent political and organizational activities. Consequently, their activities during this period primarily took the form of private gatherings and informal circles. Despite the challenges, by collaborating and communicating with clergymen, they managed to foster intellectual-Islamic activities within associated institutions. This allowed them to overcome a period of stagnation. On the cusp of the Islamic Revolution, through the reorganization of the Freedom Movement, they successfully solidified the movement's political-ideological identity. This gave continuity to the struggle that had begun in 1963, imbuing it with a distinct identity. Conclusions In the interregnum period of the Freedom Movement, considering the limitations imposed on it, it endeavored to maintain its intellectual and ideological continuity through specific methods. With this in mind, the period of political hiatus for the Freedom Movement was not one of complete stagnation. Rather, by adopting new methods—such as shifting their strategy away from direct political activity and costly confrontation with the regime—they were able to create the conditions for the continuation of the movement’s intellectual and organizational life. By strengthening their intellectual foundations, they managed to redefine their survival and preserve their identity. Nevertheless, after the resumption of political activity in 1978, their popular base remained more limited compared to the religious groups. Consequently, they collaborated with the religious forces in organizing and initiating demonstrations in 1979. At the height of the Revolution’s victory, they also adjusted their strategy and turned to cooperation with the religious forces under the leadership of Imam Khomeini. نهضت آزادی ایران، با توجه به تأثیرات انکارناپذیر خود بر روند تحولات انقلابی، بخش قابل‌توجهی از مطالعات سیاسی معاصر را به خود معطوف داشته است. این حزب، اندکی پس از تأسیس، با بازداشت گسترده رهبران خود روبه‌رو شد و محدودیت‌های شدیدی را تجربه کرد؛ به‌گونه‌ای که تا آغاز فضای باز سیاسی، از هرگونه فعالیت حزبی و تشکیلاتی علنی بازماند. با این‌ حال، این جریان توانست با اتخاذ سازوکارهایی متناسب با دوران فترت، هویت سیاسی–ایدئولوژیک خود را حفظ کرده و در مسیر مبارزه علیه حکومت پهلوی، به همگرایی با جریان انقلابی دست یابد. از این‌ رو، پژوهش حاضر با روشی تاریخی و رویکردی توصیفی–تحلیلی و با تکیه بر منابع کتابخانه‌ای، نشریات و اسناد، در پی آن است تا چگونگی استمرار مبارزه و بازسازی تشکیلاتی این حزب را در دوره رکود فعالیت‌های سیاسی مورد واکاوی قرار دهد. در این راستا، یافته‌های پژوهش با طرح این پرسش که «نهضت آزادی چگونه توانست هویت سیاسی–ایدئولوژیک و تداوم روند مبارزاتی خود را در دوران فترت فعالیت‌های سیاسی علیه حکومت پهلوی حفظ کند؟» بر این مبنا استوار است: نهضت آزادی در این شرایط، با بهره‌گیری از ظرفیت نیروهای جوان برای ایجاد تشکیلات زیرزمینی و فعالیت‌های مخفیانه، سازمان‌دهی فعالیت‌های آموزشی و پژوهشی و برگزاری جلسات مناظره و سخنرانی در زندان، سازمان‌دهی و مدیریت شاخه‌های خارج از کشور و تعامل فعال با مجامع بین‌المللی و امام خمینی، و در نهایت فعالیت فکری-اسلامی در سایه نهادهای مرتبط و ساماندهی مجدد فعالیت‌های حزبی از طریق مؤسسان اولیه‌اش، توانست از هویت سیاسی–ایدئولوژیک خویش صیانت کند و تداوم جریان مبارزاتی خود را تضمین نماید.

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