دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 The Migration of Russian Common Subjects to Astarabad and its Consequences (1910-1918 AD/ 1328-1336 AH) مهاجرت اتباع عادی روسیه به استرآباد و پیامدهای ناشی از آن در این ایالت (1328-1336 ه.ق / 1910-1918م) 1 23 104259 10.48308/irhj.2024.104259 FA مینا معینی دانشجوی تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران علی اکبر جعفری دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2022 11 23 Abstract Since 1332 AH (1914 AD), the migration of Russian subjects to northern Iran was the beginning of a new chapter in the relations between Iran and Russia. The main cause of this matter was the change in Russian immigration policy, which made it a political strategy for Russia. The Russian government planned to colonize these areas by settling immigrants in the northern parts of Iran, especially in Astarabad province, and gradually separate them from Iran. The immigrants who arrived in this area were composed of different groups who had their own reasons for migration. This article attempts to identify the composition of Russian immigrants in Iran and the reasons for their migration, the process of migration to Astarabad, and the response of Iranian authorities and local governors using a descriptive-analytical method based on archival and documentary sources. The results show that the immigrants were mainly Turkmen and Molokans who were encouraged by Russian statesmen through the promise of land. Consequently, their arrival in Astarabad led to the appropriation and seizure of the land, which in turn increased Russian power and influence in the area and left a deep cultural impact. Introduction Russian expansionism in the northern regions of Iran, particularly in the 19th and early 20th centuries, became one of the most significant issues in their relations. The roots of this expansionism can be traced back to the great power competition and the strategic location of northern Iran. Given the proximity of these regions to warm waters and British-controlled India, Russia sought to expand its influence and achieve its geopolitical objectives. Among these regions, the province of Asterabad, due to its geographical location and the weakness of the Iranian central government, became a primary focus of Russian expansion. The Russians employed various methods, including political, economic, and military influence, to gain control over this region. One of the most important methods was the immigration of Russian subjects to Asterabad. Russian immigration to Asterabad had multiple motives. Some immigrants came for economic and commercial reasons, while others had political or military missions. With the increasing number of Russian immigrants, Russia's influence in Asterabad strengthened, and the region gradually became one of Russia's strongholds in Iran. This research aims to examine the process of Russian immigration to the province of Asterabad and analyze the consequences of this immigration. The main research questions are: What factors motivated Russians to immigrate to Asterabad? Which groups of Russian subjects immigrated to Asterabad? What were the consequences for Asterabad and Iran? To answer these questions, a descriptive-analytical method has been employed, using archival documents and library resources. This research focuses on the immigration of ordinary Russian subjects to Asterabad. The research first examines the historical background of the subject and the studies conducted in this field. It then explores the process of Russian immigration to Asterabad and its reasons. Subsequently, the consequences of Russian immigration for Asterabad and Iran are analyzed. Finally, the research results and recommendations are presented. Given the importance of migration and its impact on Iran-Russia relations, this research can benefit researchers in contemporary Iranian history and international relations. Additionally, this research can contribute to a better understanding of the political and social developments in the Asterabad region. Materials and Methods This study aims to investigate the process of Russian immigration to the province of Asterabad by examining archival documents and library resources. The research will also analyze the consequences of this immigration. Given the extensive nature of the topic, this study will focus solely on the migration of ordinary Russian citizens, often referred to as "common people" in historical narratives. Previous research on Russian immigration to Asterabad has primarily focused on broader themes such as colonialism and the impact of foreign powers on the region. For instance, Rajaei's "Colonization in the Green Land" discusses the presence of Russia and Britain in Asterabad, providing valuable but brief insights into the cultural impact of Russians. This work mentions groups like the Molokan sect but does not delve into other immigrant communities such as Afghans and Turkmens. Moreover, it relies less heavily on archival sources. Nouraei and Andreyeva's article, "Russian Immigrants and Their Settlement in Early 20th Century Iran: Another Phase of Colonialism," analyzes Russian colonization in eastern Iran, focusing on migration processes, settlement mechanisms, and land acquisition. However, it primarily relies on non-Iranian sources and provides limited details on the various immigrant groups, their impact, and Iranian government policies. Nouraei and Saadat's article, "Explaining Russian Ownership in Rasht, Tabriz, and Asterabad," investigates Russian land ownership in Asterabad but does not examine the immigration process or its consequences. The current study aims to build upon these previous works by conducting a more in-depth analysis of archival documents. By focusing on internal sources, this research seeks to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the immigration process and its implications. Results and discussion For instance, a report from the Bandar Gaz border post on 25 Rabi’ al-Thani 1328 AH (July 4, 1910) mentioned that 10 to 12 families of Russian Molokans had settled there. J.F. Kirkine estimated that before World War I, approximately 2,000 Russian immigrants resided in Astarabad. Furthermore, in the months leading up to the war, a new wave of migration began, as shown below: In 1332 AH (1913 AD), around 2,500 people entered Astarabad. According to Taishkov, the number of Russian immigrants in Astarabad and Mazandaran reached approximately 4,000 in 1333 AH (1914 AD). However, Sakharov’s report in 1335 AH (December 1916) suggested that the estimated population of Russian residents in the villages of the Astarabad region was around 1,500. The Russian newspaper Roosky reported that in 1332 AH (December 28, 1913), General Lavrov stated that many Russian subjects had migrated to Iran from Turkestan and European Russia. Most settled in the fertile valleys of the Gorgan and Atrek rivers, and their numbers were estimated to be close to 700 households. These migration patterns significantly affected the demographic landscape and cultural dynamics of Astarabad during that period. Conclusion The migration between Iran and Russia, especially in border areas, has been happening since before the 20th century, but its scale and impact were limited. In the early 20th century, this phenomenon intensified and continued in later periods. Even Cossacks migrated to northern Iran during the early years of Reza Shah Pahlavi's reign. Between 1330 and 1332 AH (1912-1914 CE), the Russian government implemented a policy to create settlements in northern Iran. This led to a significant increase in migration to these regions, especially to Asterabad. Many Russian citizens were encouraged by government officials to leave their homes and settle in the fertile areas of Asterabad. However, around 1334 AH (1916 CE), this policy began to decline, and Russian immigrants were more motivated by escaping the internal problems caused by World War I and the Russian Revolution. The main groups of immigrants to the Asterabad region were the Molokan sect, Turkmens, Russian Afghan refugees, and war refugees and political asylum seekers. The presence of these immigrants resulted in the seizure of large tracts of land and significant influence in the region, supported by the Russian consul and officials. The Russian immigrants gained power in various political, military, and economic spheres, bringing Russia closer to its goal of colonizing and separating these regions from Iran. Additionally, the immigrants had a significant impact on the local culture, with some of these influences persisting to this day. The policy of Iranian government officials and local rulers towards the influx of Russian immigrants was initially passive and, in many cases, silent. However, during the war years and with the onset of the Russian Revolution, as Russian power and influence waned, the Iranian government gained more courage to pursue its demands, although it ultimately did not achieve significant results. مهاجرت اتباع روسی به شمال ایران آغاز فصل جدیدی در روابط ایران و روسیه بود. مهم‌ترین علت این رویداد، تغییر سیاست روسیه در قبال مهاجرت‌ها و تبدیل آن به یک استراتژی در سیاست روسیه بود. در واقع دولت روسیه سعی داشت با اسکان مهاجرین در ایالات شمالی ایران، و به‌ویژه ایالت استرآباد، در این مناطق کلنیسازی کند و به‌تدریج نواحی شمالی را از خاک ایران جدا سازد. مهاجرینی که به این منطقه وارد شدند، از گروه‌های مختلفی تشکیل می‌شدند که هر یک، بنا به دلایلی، اقدام به مهاجرت نموده بودند. اینکه چه گروه‌هایی از اتباع روس و به چه دلایلی به ایران مهاجرت کردند، سؤال اصلی این پژوهش است. در پژوهش حاضر با روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با استفاده از اسناد و منابع کتابخانه‌ای، ضمن پاسخگویی به سؤال فوق، روند مهاجرت‌ها به استرآباد و واکنش مقامات ایرانی و حاکمان محلی به این مهاجرت‌ها بررسی میشود. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد گروه‌هایی مانند ترکمن‌ها و مالاکان‌ها از جمله مهاجرینی بودند که به دنبال تشویق دولتمردان روس برای تصاحب زمین به ایران مهاجرت کردند و حضور آنها در منطقۀ استرآباد باعث تصرف گستردۀ املاک و زمین‌ها، افزایش قدرت و نفوذ روسیه در این منطقه و به ‌جای نهادن تأثیرات عمیق فرهنگی شد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104259_882f01acc186aa52232170a287e2858d.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2024 08 29 Iran’s Foreign Trade from the third to fifth Centuries AH تجارت خارجی در ایران ازقرن سوم تا آخر قرن پنجم هجری قمری 25 46 103487 10.48308/irhj.2023.103487 FA محسن اقبالی دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، دانشگاه لرستان، خرم آباد، ایران. سیدعلاالدین شاهرخی دانشیار گروه تاریخ و باستان شناسی دانشگاه لرستان، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، لرستان، ایران مجتبی گراوند دانشیار گروه تاریخ و باستان شناسی دانشگاه لرستان، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، لرستان، ایران Journal Article 2024 08 29 Abstract The present study aims to investigate the impact of the Samanid, Ghaznavid and Buyid governments on foreign trade in their respective territories based on an analytical method and archival-documentary data collection. The results show that the formation of the Samanid, Ghaznavid and Buyid states from the end of the third century AH led to a relative stabilization of the political situation, which in turn resulted in a growth of the urban economy, including markets, industry and especially trade. The large amount of Samanid silver coins found in Europe (due to the importation of slaves and other trade goods from Eastern Europe) indicates the outflow of a large amount of liquidity from Samanid territory, resulting in an unfavorable balance of trade. In the Ghaznavid period, on the other hand, liquidity increased due to the inflow of huge gold and silver reserves, which effectively facilitated trade and minting. In western Iran, the Buyids, unlike their two eastern neighbors, used the gold and silver reserves to support the textile industry, which allowed trade to flourish. Finally, a similar pattern can be observed in all three states: Measures such as minting coins of high fineness, maintaining the value of the coins, securing the roads by eradicating bandits, placing signposts in the deserts, building caravanserais and bridges over the rivers, Rabat and wells along the roads, which significantly increased and improved domestic and foreign trade. Introduction Iran's economy saw significant growth in domestic and foreign trade from the 3rd to the late 5th centuries AH, influenced by various ruling dynasties. These Iranian and Turkic dynasties established stability and contributed to economic prosperity. The region's economic balance determinded the fate of each dynasty. The Abbasid Caliphate's vast territory provided a significant market, facilitating trade and commerce. Iran's geographic location and secure governance also contributed to economic growth and trade. This research aims to explore the impact of three contemporary dynasties — the Samanids, Ghaznavids in the east, and Buyids in the west — on foreign trade in their respective territories. The research aims to answer questions such as how these dynasties affected foreign trade and which commodities experienced the most growth. The hypothesis is that the socio-economic policies of these dynasties led to the growth and prosperity of domestic and foreign trade. Previous research on the economic and commercial conditions during the rule of these dynasties has been conducted. For instance, Pargari's work explored the Samanid power structure, while Vosoughi Matlagh examined the relations between the Buyids and Egypt. Analysis of the economic policies of the Samanid and Ghaznavid governments was also done by Naveh-Pasand and Eisy. Izdi and colleagues explored the role of Bukhara in the prosperity of the Samanids, while Khodadadi conducted a sociological analysis of the Samanid period. This study is based on Persian sources and new foreign sources, incorporating archaeological research and the discovery of Samanid coins in Eastern Europe and Scandinavia, in order to examine the foreign trade policies and actions of the Samanid and Ghaznavid governments in eastern Iran, and the Buyids in western Iran. Materials And Methods This study utilizes a historical methodology, incorporating both quantitative and qualitative data analysis, to examine the impact of the economic policies of the Samanid, Ghaznavid, and Buyid dynasties on Iran's foreign trade. By delving into trade data, coinage, and historical texts, this research illustrates that each dynasty implemented distinct commercial policies. The Samanids fostered the growth of the silk and slave trades through the establishment of political stability and investments in infrastructure. The Ghaznavids, driven by war booty and active fiscal policies, expanded trade but faced limited economic stability due to their focus on warfare. The Buyids, with a focus on handicrafts and maritime trade, contributed to the economic prosperity of their controlled regions. However, all these dynasties grappled with challenges such as political fluctuations, trade competition, and climatic changes. Overall, this study elucidates that the economic policies of the rulers during the examined period played a pivotal role in shaping Iran's trade patterns and economic development." Results And discussion, During the 9th and 10th centuries, the Samanids established a formidable empire in the regions of Khorasan and Transoxiana, with Bukhara and Samarkand as their principal centers. The strategic geographical location of Transoxiana made it a crucial hub for commercial activities connecting the East and West. The trade of Turkic slaves and the importation of high-quality Iranian textiles played a pivotal role in the economy of the Samanid Empire, with far-reaching economic, political, and social implications for both Iran and the Abbasid Caliphate. During the Ghaznavid period, trade and close ties with the Samanid court were integral to their economic prosperity and wealth. Trade with India, combined with the spoils of war, significantly influenced the economic advancement of the Ghaznavids. The importation of slaves from India and the expansion of the slave trade in Ghazna were key factors in fostering a thriving economy. However, as security declined, the Ghaznavid government departed from traditional norms of governance, leading to internal instability. The slave trade played a central role in the growth and stability of the Ghaznavid economy. Meanwhile, the Buyids built a robust economy through their focus on the textile trade and the development of the textile industry. Their emphasis on handicrafts and workshops contributed significantly to their economic growth and overall development. Commercial activities and regional development, alongside increased trade balance, considerably fortified the Buyid economy. During the 9th and 10th centuries, the Samanids established a formidable empire in the regions of Khorasan and Transoxiana, with Bukhara and Samarkand as their principal centers. The strategic geographical location of Transoxiana made it a crucial hub for commercial activities connecting the East and West. The trade of Turkic slaves and the importation of high-quality Iranian textiles played a pivotal role in the economy of the Samanid Empire, with far-reaching economic, political, and social implications for both Iran and the Abbasid Caliphate. Conclusion The Samanid, Ghaznavid, and Buyid dynasties ruled various parts of Iran from the 3rd to the late 5th centuries. They significantly affected regional trade due to their geographical locations. Their economic policies had profound impacts on their economies, particularly their trade balances.The Samanids were known for their extensive trade and benefited from the importation of slaves. The Buyids focused on developing domestic industries, especially textiles, to bolster their economy. The Ghaznavids relied heavily on the spoils of war, including slaves and treasures from India, to fuel their economy.Despite their distinct approaches, all three dynasties implemented similar strategies to foster trade, including ensuring border security, minting high-quality coins, and improving infrastructure such as caravanserais and roads. However, periods of war and instability often led to economic downturns.The Samanids, based in Transoxiana, facilitated trade with China, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. The large volume of Samanid coins found in Northern and Eastern Europe attests to their extensive trade networks. However, this excessive outflow of currency eventually led to economic decline. The Ghaznavids, through their conquests in India, acquired vast quantities of gold and slaves, which significantly boosted their economy. The influx of wealth allowed them to invest in infrastructure and maintain economic stability despite ongoing conflicts. The Buyids, centered in western Iran, prioritized the development of the domestic textile industry. By supporting local artisans and establishing textile workshops, they created jobs and generated significant revenue. The high quality of Iranian textiles contributed to their economic success.In conclusion, the Samanid, Ghaznavid, and Buyid dynasties, each with their unique economic strategies, played a pivotal role in shaping the economic landscape of Iran during their respective periods. Their emphasis on trade, infrastructure development, and support for local industries left a lasting legacy. پژوهش حاضر در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که طی قرون سوم تا پنجم قمری حکومت‌های سامانی، غزنوی و آل بویه چه تأثیری بر تجارت خارجی سرزمین‌های تحت سلطۀ خود نهادند؟ روش گردآوری اطلاعات به شیوۀ اسنادی و کتابخانه‌ای و روش نگارش تحلیلی است. نتایج پژوهش به شرح زیر است: با تشکیل دولت‏های سامانیان، غزنویان و آل بویه، از اواخر قرن سوم، اوضاع سیاسی تثبیت و در نتیجه امنیت نسبی برقرار گردید. از این رو، زمینۀ رشد موقعیت اقتصادی شهرها از جمله بازارها، صنایع و بهویژه داد‏و‏ستد فراهم شد. حجم عظیم سکه‌های نقرۀ سامانی یافتشده در اروپا (در نتیجۀ واردات برده و کالا از اروپای شرقی) نمایانگر خروج میزان زیادی نقدینگی از قلمرو سامانی است که تراز بازرگانی منفی و کاهش توان اقتصادی را در پی داشت. این در حالی است که در دورۀ غزنوی با ورود مقادیر عظیمی از ذخایر طلا و نقره نقدینگی افزایش یافت که در ضرب مسکوکات و تسهیل تجارت مؤثر بود. در غرب، آل بویه، برخلاف دو حکومت پیشگفته، صنعت منسوجات را تقویت کرد و از طریق تجارت را رونق داد. در نهایت الگوی مشابهی از این سه حکومت مشاهده می‌شود. اقداماتی همچون ضرب سکه با عیار بالا، حفظ عیار مسکوکات، برقراری امنیت راه‌ها از طریق سرکوب راهزنان، نصب علائم راهنمایی در بیابان‌ها، ساخت کاروانسرا و پل و رباط و چاه در مسیر راه‌ها بر رشد و گسترش تجارت داخلی و خارجی تأثیر بسزایی داشت.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_103487_87e168b236803df4bcce964e6ca30597.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 The Representation of the Ideal Woman in the Šokūfeh Magazine: A Comparative Study of the Role of Women in the Pre-constitutional and Constitutional Periods زن ایده‌آل از منظر نشریۀ شکوفه (بررسی مقایسه‌ای نقش زنان در دوران پیشامشروطه و پس از آن) 45 68 104260 10.48308/irhj.2024.104260 FA مهدی رفعتی پناه مهرآبادی استادیار گروه مطالعات تاریخی و محیطی، پژوهشکده تحقیق و توسعه علوم انسانی، سازمان سمت، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2023 05 14 Abstract After the constitutional revolution, the activities of parties and newspapers expanded. consequently various articles were published with the aim of reforming the society. the issue of women was considered as one of the most important issues among the various ones, in such a way that some magazines devoted to it. As one of the women's magazines, Šokūfeh was trying to provide the possibility of improvement and promotion of their position and role. Using qualitative content analysis, this article intends to investigate the role of women in pre-constitutional Iran and express the characteristics of an ideal woman from the perspective of , Šokūfeh, and answer the question of what was the status of women in pre-constitutional Iran and With the constitutional revolution and the cultural and social changes of the society, what image of the ideal woman was presented in the constitutional publications, especially Shokoufeh magazine as a case study of this research? The results of the research show that the ideal image of an Iranian woman, on the one hand, had characteristics such as literacy, science, knowledge, perception, a critical look at issues, and on the other hand, had effective social action, including efforts to promote women's literacy, avoiding Blind imitation in the face of consumer culture, along with the acquisition of life literacy, including husbandry, cooking, tailoring, child rearing, from a theoretical and practical point of view.The ideal Iranian woman had all the characteristics that could introduce her as an effective activist in social, political, economic and family affairs. Keywords: Constitutional Newspapers, Šokūfeh, Ideal Woman, Ideal Type, Constitutional Revolution. Introduction During the years leading up to the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, increased interactions with western nations and the rise of progressive literature prompted Iranian society to critically analyze its political, social, economic, and cultural frameworks. Intellectuals like Malkom Khan, Mostashar al-Dawlah, Akhundzadeh, and Talebov used newspapers published both domestically and overseas to engage in a deep re-evaluation of these foundations. The constitutional revolution, which temporarily removed the absolute monarchy and led to the establishment of political parties, provincial assemblies, and the expansion of journalism, further intensified this process of critical inquiry. This resulted in the emergence of diverse perspectives on social, political, and economic issues. Among these perspectives, the status of women in society became a focal point of intellectual and social discourse, particularly within modernist movements. Various groups presented different ideas about women, their roles, and their position in society. Because the press acted as a link between the elite and the public, these ideas were often expressed and debated in newspapers. Therefore, an analysis of the press during the constitutional revolution can reveal the various ways in which Iranian society perceived women. One of the earliest women's publications, the Shukufeh newspaper, aimed to analyze the status of women in society and work towards improving their position and role. Through this article, we seek to explore the depiction of the ideal Iranian woman as envisioned by the Shukufeh newspaper during pre-constitutional Iran. Published bi-monthly and led by Maryam Amid, or Mazin al-Saltaneh, Shukofe was the second periodical in Iran dedicated solely to women's issues. Its first issue was released in Dhu al-Hijjah 1330 AH, and its final issue was published in Dhu al-Qa'dah 1334 AH. The mission of Shukofe was defined as a "moral, literary publication, focused on child health, housekeeping, childcare, and particularly dedicated to the education of young women and the refinement of female character, with a focus on girls' schools." The magazine used engaging and critical cartoons to convey its messages. The publication history of Shukofe can be divided into two phases. In the initial phase (issues 1-10), the magazine mainly addressed topics such as gender equality, women's education, the elimination of superstition, the importance of adhering to religious laws, and criticisms of societal decay. In its second phase, Shukofe came under the management of the "Hammat-e Khavatin" (Women's Diligence) Society, established by Ms. Nour al-Dinji, the general inspector of girls' schools. From this point onward, Shukofe adopted a more political tone, exploring issues like economic and social problems, the reasons for Iran's underdevelopment, the failures of officials, and foreign loans. Nevertheless, the magazine continued to focus primarily on girls' schools and women's education. Materials And Methods The examination of the constitutional press offers valuable insights into the position of women in society and the diverse perspectives surrounding this issue. Shokoofeh magazine, which was among the earliest women's publications, sought to elevate the status and influence of women while also analyzing their societal roles. This article aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the characteristics attributed to the ideal Iranian woman as presented in Shokoofeh magazine. Furthermore, it seeks to assess critically the evolving roles of women in pre-constitutional Iran. This research holds great significance as it sheds light on how Iranian society underwent a thorough reevaluation of its social, cultural, and political components during the constitutional revolution, endeavoring to align with the emerging modernity. These efforts underscore the dynamism characterizing Iranian society during that period. The article endeavors to delve into the specifics of the ideal Iranian woman as portrayed by Shokoofeh magazine, particularly focusing on the attributes that empowered Iranian women to adapt to a changing world and assume more proactive roles in society. Thus, by employing qualitative content analysis as the framework, this study aims to elucidate the essential characteristics that an ideal women's magazine should embody. Results And discussion In Iran, before the constitution was established, women encountered significant societal and cultural limitations that restricted their involvement in public and political spheres. A male-dominated society confined women to subordinate roles, constraining them to domestic responsibilities and family caregiving. Despite these constraints, women actively engaged in religious events and charitable endeavors, forming connections outside their homes. Urban women had more opportunities for participation compared to their rural counterparts, but both groups aspired to have greater involvement in social, economic, and political matters. The increasing presence of Iranian women in public life caused international observers to rethink their perceptions of women's roles and encouraged women's engagement. However, women during the Qajar era faced significant challenges in accessing education. Before the constitutional revolution, girls' education primarily consisted of private tutoring or traditional schooling focused on religious studies and literature. The establishment of girls' schools and subsequent legal reforms facilitated women's pursuit of their social and individual rights. The constitutional revolution and the rise of new media, particularly newspapers, exposed Iranians to western ideas, leading to significant changes in social, political, and economic dynamics. Women's roles, rights, freedoms, and public visibility underwent a profound transformation. Newspapers played a crucial role in redefining women's identities and advocating for gender equality. Women emerged as educators, journalists, social advocates, and political representatives. Shukofe magazine played a crucial part in shaping the ideal Iranian woman. Its articles highlighted the significance of education, life skills, and social engagement, arguing that proper upbringing was fundamental for a virtuous and healthy society. The magazine emphasized the critical role of mothers in their daughters' upbringing and regarded the paternal home as a place for learning life skills. However, some articles perpetuated traditional gender roles by assigning specific domestic tasks to women. Other articles challenged these perspectives, aiming to reform traditional views on women. Shukofe asserted that societal norms rather than inherent differences determined gender roles. Drawing on Islamic teachings, the magazine rejected patriarchal perspectives and stressed the importance of mutual understanding between spouses. It posited that such understanding could prevent marital conflicts and foster harmony. The magazine also criticized patriarchal culture and advocated for gender equality in society. Shukofe underscored the significance of women's education and encouraged women to reject superstitions and irrational beliefs. It promoted practical life skills, such as cooking, sewing, and child rearing, as crucial for women's well-being. The magazine urged women to be self-reliant and contribute to the household economy. Shukofe stressed the importance of personal hygiene and modesty as essential qualities for women. The magazine promoted cleanliness and reverence for parents as virtues that could lead to happiness and success. Conclusion, The analysis of Shokoofeh magazine highlights the evolving perspective on women's issues following the constitutional revolution. The traditional view that downplayed the importance of women's education and participation in social and political spheres is now being questioned and redefined. This critical reassessment is not solely negative but also offers alternative perspectives. The new formulation, influenced by cultural exchange with other countries during the Qajar era, emphasizes women's literacy, knowledge, scientific prowess, understanding of contemporary issues, and active participation in social affairs based on the principle of gender equality. It also promotes distancing from superstitions, rational examination of religious and social matters, and a critical approach toward consumer culture, advocating the use of domestic products to bolster the country's economy. This new formulation delineates an ideal image of an Iranian woman characterized by literacy, scientific aptitude, critical thinking, and active social engagement. The ideal woman, as envisioned by Shokoofeh, is not only an activist in social, political, economic, and family matters but also embodies qualities such as health, life literacy, and the nurturing of a supportive domestic environment. According to an analysis, literacy, and knowledge are identified as the most crucial attributes of an ideal woman from Shokoofeh's perspective, followed by health and life literacy. Furthermore, approximately 30% of the publication's content is dedicated to articulating the characteristics of the ideal Iranian woman. با انقلاب مشروطه و گسترش فعالیت احزاب و مطبوعات، مقالات گوناگونی با هدف اصلاح جامعه انتشار یافتند. مسئلۀ زنان یکی از مهمترین موضوعات این مقالات بود، به نحوی که برخی از نشریات به صورت اختصاصی به آن میپرداختند. نشریۀ شکوفه بهعنوان یکی از نشریات اختصاصی زنان در تلاش بود تا ضمن به نقد کشیدن وضعیت زنان در جامعه، امکان بهبود و ارتقای جایگاه و نقش آنان را فراهم آورد. این مقاله با استفاده از تحلیل محتوای کیفی درصدد است ضمن بررسی نقش زنان در ایران پیشامشروطه، به بیان ویژگیهای زن ایدئال ایرانی از منظر نشریۀ شکوفه بپردازد و به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که زنان در ایران پیشامشروطه اصولاً چه وضعیتی داشتند و با انقلاب مشروطه و تحولات فرهنگی و اجتماعی جامعه، چه تصویری از زن ایدئال در نشریات مشروطه، بهویژه در نشریۀ شکوفه، ترسیم شد. نتایج تحقیق نشان میدهد زن ایدئال از یک سو باید تحصیلکرده و باسواد و دارای نگاه انتقادی به مسائل میبود و از سوی دیگر باید کنش اجتماعی مؤثری میداشت، مانند تلاش برای ترویج سوادآموزی زنان، پرهیز از تقلید کورکورانه در مواجهه با فرهنگ مصرفی در کنار کسب مهارتهای زندگی از جمله شوهرداری، آشپزی، خیاطی، فرزندداری از جنبۀ نظری و عملی. زن ایدئال ایرانی باید واجد تمام ویژگیهایی میبود که میتوانست او را بهعنوان یک کنشگر مؤثر در امور اجتماعی، سیاسی، اقتصادی و خانوادگی معرفی کند، از ویژگیهای ظاهری چون آراستگی ظاهر گرفته تا ویژگیهای اخلاقی و علمی.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104260_fbbfeeda871b3fcf76806d0761d4f45d.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 Emergence of Modern Schools in Bandar Lenge and the Role of Foreign States in Their Establishment (From the Naserid Period to the Beginning of the Pahlavi Period) ورود مدارس نوین به بنادر خلیج‌فارس و نقش دول خارجی در آن: مطالعه پژوهی بندرلنگه ( از دوره‌ی ناصری تا آغاز پهلوی) 67 90 103996 10.48308/irhj.2023.232035.1245 FA حبیب اله سعیدی نیا دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه خلیج فارس، بوشهر، ایران سارا یارمهدوی دانشجوی دکتری مطالعات ایران دوره اسلامی, دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه خلیج فارس، بوشهر، ایران. Journal Article 2023 06 12 Abstract One of the most important political and cultural developments in the social history of Iran is the establishment of new schools in the Qajar period; a prolonged process that began in the Naserid period with the invention of the phonetic alphabet by Mirza Hasan Rushdieh and gradually spread from the west of Iran to other regions of the country after overcoming many obstacles in the confrontation between tradition and modernity. After the establishment of Saadat School in Bushehr, the change in Iran's educational structure spread to other southern ports, including Bandar Lenge. The new schools, located directly on the Persian Gulf and at the southern gateway to the country, attracted the attention of foreign businessmen and diplomats. From the very beginning, in the post-constitutional period, the establishment of these schools was met with resistance. However, the schools managed to overcome the oppositions and obtain the approval of the Ministry of Education, so they continued to operate during the Pahlavi period. The present article was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and is based on primary archival sources such as documents and newspapers. The aim of the article is to examine the introduction of new educational methods in the schools in Bandar Lenge. The result shows that social conditions, the performance of various individuals and institutions and foreign support played a decisive role in the establishment of new schools. In addition, the frequent presence of foreigners under the pretext of financial aid and educational support became one of the ways to increase foreign influence. Introduction The early efforts to reform the education system in Iran occurred in Tabriz just before the constitutional revolution. During the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, the Rushdiyyeh phonetic alphabet was introduced, despite facing significant opposition. Mirza Hasan Rushdieh, drawing from his experiences in Beirut and Ottoman Empire and his interactions with French educators, worked diligently to establish schools in other cities. This transformation coincided with Iran's shift towards modernity, leading to a divide between constitutionalists and traditionalists. Some religious leaders initially opposed the new schools, but figures like Sheikh Hadi Najmabadi eventually adopted a supportive stance. The resistance to the constitution and the establishment of new schools was fueled by the involvement of Russia and England, who viewed the empowerment of Middle Eastern populations, particularly in Iran, as contrary to their interests. The press gained freedom during Amin al-Dawlah's presidency, and the first new school in Tehran was founded in 1315 (Islamic calendar) with Amin al-Doulah's support. Abbas Mirza played a crucial role in modernizing Iran's education system by emulating the Ottoman Empire and sending students abroad. Amir Kabir, inspired by Russia's progress, established Dar al-Funun and hired teachers from Austria. These modernists prioritized advancements in neighboring countries, facilitating the alignment of Iran's education with global standards. The construction of Rushdiyeh schools laid the groundwork for various educational institutions and new teaching methods, while highlighting the influence of foreign powers in Iran's internal affairs. The expansion of new schools extended to Bushehr with the founding of the "Sadat Mozafari" school. Following the constitutional revolution and the onset of World War I, significant changes reshaped Iran's political landscape. The war led to the influx of foreign troops, while the press, supportive of modern education, viewed schools as a means to bridge the East and the West, fostering progress. By 1337 AH, Tehran had fifty-five schools with approximately six thousand students and four hundred teachers. Despite societal resistance, efforts to educate women gained momentum, with advocates emphasizing the benefits of women's education. Champions of new teachings, like Fathali Akhundzadeh and Mishtar al-Dawlah, advocated for changes in the alphabet and instructional methods to drive progress. On the other hand, critics, such as Talebov, attributed students' lack of engagement to the complexity of the alphabet, calling for the incorporation of foreign languages, history, and geography in the curriculum without necessitating religious changes, echoing Rushdieh's approach. Materials and Methods The research aims to analyze the formation of the new educational system and leading schools in Bandar Lenge from the Naseri period to the coming of Reza Shah. This will be done by using a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on library studies, documents, and the press of the time. The goal is to examine the transition from Qajar and constitutionalism to the first Pahlavi period, paying attention to the quality and quantity of the educational process in this region. The findings reveal significant opposition from jurists and some nobles to the construction of new schools. The social and economic conditions of Bandar Lenge, as well as the influence of certain individuals, played crucial roles in the establishment of schools in the city. The city's coastal location and its political and commercial significance attracted the support of foreign and domestic businessmen and dignitaries, particularly the consulates of Russia, England, France, and German companies. Geopolitical characteristics also influenced the educational changes in Bandar Lenge, similar to the cities of Bushehr, Lengeh, Rasht, and Bandar Anzali. Media coverage highlighted the intellectual, cultural, and educational changes in these cities due to their proximity to sea highways, serving as the civilizational gateway for the south and north of Iran. Several key publications, including those by Masha Allah Ajudani and Ahmad Dashti, shed light on the influence of constitutionalists and the situation of schools in Bandar Lenge. Furthermore, comparing press data and documents revealed discrepancies in the naming of schools, with the title "Third Modern School" being incorrectly applied to the Muhammadiyah School in Bandar Lenge, where it does not appear in the list of new schools in Ma'arif newspaper. This research also delved into noteworthy events such as the first teachers' strike and the need for communication between schools and parents, which had not been addressed in prior research. Additionally, the study highlighted that these schools represent the first generation of paid or non-profit schools in Iran, which were initially known as national schools and remained open until the Reza Shah period. However, some of these schools, especially foreign schools, were taken over by the government after the ascent of the first Pahlavi. Results and discussion The inception of new education alongside the Iranian constitution marked a significant cultural and political shift, spearheaded by the establishment of Dar al-Funun. This pioneering institution served as Iran's first modern educational establishment, paving the way for the embrace of new facets of civilization and the dispatch of students to Farang. In 1301 AH, Rushdieh founded the initial modern Iranian school in the Caucasus, filling the void left by the absence of infrastructure for modern education in Iran at the time. However, these schools encountered resistance from religious leaders who expressed concerns about moral decay and religious integrity. Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri and other clerics vehemently opposed these schools, viewing them as contradictory to Sharia law. Meanwhile, the press underscored the urgency of enacting regulations for new educational institutions. Administration of Amin al-Doulah's endorsement of progress and culture faced obstacles from the Russians, ultimately leading to Amin al-Doulah's resignation. Despite this, proponents of the new schools contended that these establishments contributed to societal awareness, serving as the foundation for employment and advancement. This process contributed to growing public support for educational institutions, eventually laying the groundwork for the formation of the existing Parents and Teachers Association. In the southern region of Iran, Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi played a pivotal role in advancing modern education. By establishing a school in Bushehr, he introduced innovative teachings and supplanted traditional ones, effectively ushering in a new era of education. The first modern school in Bushehr, established through the efforts of Ahmad Khan Daryabigi, served as a blueprint for other ports in the Persian Gulf. Despite financial constraints and resource shortages, these schools steadily gained significance and influence in enhancing public awareness. The Muhammadiyah School in Bandar Lengeh emerged as a crucial modern educational institution, contending with managerial and financial hurdles. While the school persevered with support from entrepreneurs and local authorities, it grappled with issues such as delayed teacher remuneration and financial constraints. During this period, Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi contributed to reshaping the educational landscape of southern Iran by founding a school in Bushehr and promoting new disciplines, seeking to replace archaic teachings with modern literature and methodologies. Simultaneously, the establishment of French Lazari schools across various Iranian cities set the stage for French cultural and educational influence in Iran. These schools gradually contributed to the evolution of the new educational system, exerting a substantial impact on the development of constitutional law. Under the era of Ahmad Shah Qajar, Iranian education saw the integration of French influence and novel educational practices. However, some families hesitated to enroll their children in these schools. Despite its challenges, the modern education system in southern Iran progressively garnered significance, fostering public awareness and assimilating into the societal and cultural fabric. Ultimately, the approval of the constitutional amendment in 1325 A.H. was a pivotal stride towards formalizing new schools, with subsequent development by the Ministry of Education. These schools gradually wielded influence over public opinion, encouraging widespread pursuit of education and scientific learning. These pivotal educational and cultural transformations became integral to the social and cultural framework, propelling Iran's progress during the constitutional era. This era witnessed the formation of numerous associations advocating for new schools, alongside expansion of cultural and educational initiatives. These changes propelled an upsurge in public awareness and a heightened emphasis on scholarly pursuits. In essence, the advent of new education and training concurrent with the Iranian constitution, as a pivotal juncture in Iranian history, not only revolutionized the educational system but also ushered in broader social and cultural metamorphoses. Conclusion In this scholarly investigation, the foundational role of individuals and influential factors in the evolution of new educational paradigms in Iran was examined. Historical evidence demonstrates that this progression was impacted by the advent of the phonetic alphabet and the innovative instructional approach of Rushdieh, which emulated the educational methods of Rushdieh schools in the Ottoman Empire and drew from the teachings of French educators. Notably, Iran's educational transformations became interlinked with developments beyond its borders, especially during the constitutional revolution when a clash between tradition and modernity emerged. While the establishment of new schools faced opposition from certain elites and clergy, advocates such as Amir Daryabigi, a graduate of Dar al-Funun and an ally of innovative educational initiatives, endeavored to establish the inaugural new school in Bushehr, named Saadat School. Concurrently, Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi spearheaded efforts to reform traditional education and introduce new pedagogical methods in the southern regions, through his familiarity with educational systems in other countries. It is noteworthy that the prevalence of foreign presence—whether in the capacity of political figures or businesspersons—significantly influenced the educational landscape, particularly in Bushehr and Lenge. This engagement not only expanded cultural hegemony but also engendered linguistic hybridization, prompting objections from domestic media. The socioeconomic milieu of Bandar Lenge, reinforced by the actions and perspectives of select individuals, emerged as pivotal factors in the establishment of educational institutions within the city. Situated along the Persian Gulf coast and holding a strategic political and commercial stature, Bandar Lenge garnered support from both domestic and foreign entrepreneurs and dignitaries, particularly from the consulates of major European powers and German corporations. During this period, intellectual, cultural, and educational advancements in cities such as Bushehr and Lenge—alongside Rasht and Bandar Anzali—featured prominently in the press, benefiting from their proximity to marine trade routes and their geopolitical significance, which facilitated mutual influence and interaction among these centers. یکی از مهم‌ترین تحولات سیاسی ـ فرهنگی تاریخ اجتماعی ایران، شکل‌گیری مدارس نوین در دورۀ قاجار است، روندی سیال که در دورۀ ناصری آغاز شد و با ابداع الفبای صوتی، در دورۀ رویارویی سنت و مدرنیته، با گذر از موانع بسیار از غرب ایران به دیگر مناطق کشور گسترش یافت. این تحول بزرگ در ساختار آموزشی کشور با تأسیس مدرسۀ سعادت در بندر بوشهر به سایر بنادر جنوبی از ‌جمله بندر لنگه نیز راه یافت. این بندر به دلیل هم‌جواری با خلیج‌فارس و با توجه به اینکه دروازه و معبر تمدنی جنوب ایران بود، توجه تجار و دیپلمات‌های خارجی را به خود جلب کرد. ساخت مدارس از همان ابتدا و مقارن با مشروطه با واکنش مخالفین مواجه گردید، اما با عبور از موانع و کسب تأییدیۀ وزارت معارف در دورۀ پهلوی نیز تداوم یافت. این پژوهش به شیوۀ توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با استفاده از مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی و منابع اصلی مانند اسناد و روزنامه‌های وقت در پی آن است که روند راهیابی تعلیمات آموزشی نوین به مکاتب و مدارس بندر لنگه را بررسی نماید. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد شرایط اجتماعی و عملکرد افراد و نهادهای مختلف و نیز حمایت نیروهای خارجی در شکل‌گیری و حیات مدارس نوین نقش اساسی داشت. مضاف بر آنکه حمایت نیروهای خارجی با حضور مکرر در مدارس، به بهانۀ کمک مالی و حمایت از تحصیل، به یکی از راه‌های بسط نفوذ آنان بدل شد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_103996_ca6e0713b91ffae2cd17e35c7a6fc035.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 Investigating the Causes of Power Outages in the City of Tehran in the Last Years of the Pahlavi Regime بررسی علل موجبات خاموشی‌های برق شهرتهران در سالهای پایانی حکومت پهلوی(چالش ها و راهکارها) 91 115 103980 10.48308/irhj.2023.232189.1248 FA محسن پرویش استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی،اردبیل، ایران. حسن اسدی استادیار گروه تاریخ،دانشکده علوم اجتماعی،دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی،اردبیل، ایران. Journal Article 2023 06 28 Abstract Power outages in Iran are not a new issue, and in the last years of the Pahlavi regime, the population was affected by widespread power outages. The unbridled growth of Tehran in the 1350s and the lack of necessary development in the production sector in relation to the population on the one hand and the increase in the growth rate of electricity demand compared to the growth rate of electricity supply and the lack of necessary investment for the development of electricity production and transmission and distribution capacity on the other hand, had led to blackouts and electricity shortages. To solve the blackout problem of power outage and prevent a recurrence, the government took several measures including turning off the lights in the streets, parks and government offices in the early hours of the night and temporary power outages in residential areas and neighborhoods across the country, especially in Tehran. Other solutions such as implementing the blackout and darkness plan (passive air defense) in Tehran, turning off the lights of some streets in Tehran and establishing a program to reduce the load consumption of the interconnected grid during emergencies were also been used by the Electricity Department to provide electricity to the city of Tehran. This article aims to investigate the causes and consequences of power outage in Tehran during the last decade of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s rule. The result of the research show that despite the measures taken by the authorities, the problem of blackouts continued in the domestic sector, to such an extent that the government was forced to close factories and production units in order to deal with the peak electricity consumption in the summer and solve the issue of electricity shortage. Introduction The electricity industry has been a key driver of national development, particularly in the age of technology. This sector is directly linked to a nation's economy, industry, and society. In Iran, the electricity industry, notably in Tehran, has a history stretching back to the Qajar period. The transition from traditional lighting methods to the installation of a 200 kW generator marked a significant milestone in the electrification of Tehran. During the Pahlavi era, surging electricity demand, driven by rapid population and industrial growth, posed significant challenges including insufficient capacity and economic losses within domestic and industrial sectors, attributable to mismanagement and inadequate planning. This period also witnessed a surge in electricity consumption, leading to public dissatisfaction due to limited generator capacity. This industry received minimal attention before Reza Shah's rule, largely due to factors such as the high cost of electricity, which made it inaccessible to the general population. Additionally, the sector's development was further impeded by the advent of the First World War and the unrest it brought. Reza Shah's emphasis on modernization led to significant developments in the electrical industry, particularly in Tehran. The enactment of the electricity bill, along with Mohammad Hossein Amin al-Zarb's commitment to enhance Tehran's power plant and electricity network, greatly contributed to the industry's growth. Despite these advancements, challenges persisted, leading to the transformation of the Tehran Municipality Lighting Department into the Tehran Electricity Institute. The escalating demand for electricity resulted in the establishment of numerous state and non-state electricity-generating facilities across Iran. The industry's progress was further driven by the import of electrical equipment from Czechoslovakia and the operational commencement of an electrical factory. In 1317/1938-39, the government's initiation of an electrical factory in Jhaleh Square initially faced resistance, resulting in low adoption rates. By the end of 1316/1937-38, the number of electricity subscribers in Tehran only amounted to one thousand people. The allocation of electricity to government centers, such as the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Library, the Ministry of Culture, and the General Directorate of Police, marked the initial phases of integrating electricity into the city's infrastructure. During this period, there was a surge in electricity consumption, leading to public dissatisfaction due to the limited capacity of electricity generators. Before Reza Shah's rule, the electricity industry did not receive much attention due to factors such as the high cost of electricity, which made it inaccessible to the general population. The onset of the First World War and associated unrest further hindered the industry's development. Materials and Methods This article aims to explore the measures taken by the Pahlavi government to address power outages in Tehran using historical research methods. It is noted that there has been a lack of cohesive, independent research on the causes, contexts, effects, and consequences of power cuts in Tehran during the second Pahlavi period. Various works have touched on aspects of Iran's electrical industry during different periods, such as Hossein Mahboubi Ardakani's examination of electricity in Iran until the late 1940s and Azad Zarrabian's study of the establishment of the power plant in Tehran during the Qajar period. Farimah Nasiri also delved into the development of the electrical industry in the first Pahlavi period, and Ali Vashmeh et al. discussed the economic policies of the second Pahlavi government regarding industrial modernization and its impact on power generation industries. However, there is a significant gap in comprehensive research on Iran's electricity industry during the second Pahlavi era, particularly concerning power outages in Tehran. Results and Discussion Institutions in charge of electricity production and distribution in the second Pahlavi era were responsible for providing city and street lighting. Oil lamps were converted to gas lamps, but because the gas pipes were not repaired, open oil lamps were used. The Ministry of Water and Electricity were established and they took responsibility for the production and transmission of electricity. With the establishment of Iran Electricity Organization, regional electricity companies were established. Measures were taken to develop electricity production and distribution, and the Ministry of Energy was established to be in charge of plans for the construction of power plants and electricity transmission. In the fourth and fifth construction plans, the government paid particular attention to the electricity industry as an infrastructure industry. In the fourth plan, the demand for electric power increased to 12 billion kWh, and the installed capacity and power generation increased. However, in the fifth plan, the development and development policies of the electricity industry were raised in the framework of the comprehensive energy plan, the creation of nuclear power plants, and the development of natural gas reservoirs for electricity generation. In addition, programs related to the distribution of electricity in cities and villages were taken into consideration. In the spring of 1354, power outages in Tehran increased significantly due to the growth of the town, the incompetence of the officials, and the irregular situation. After the establishment of the Farah Abad power plant in 1346, hope was established to solve the electricity problems in Tehran. However, after the completion of the electricity network in June 1355, widespread blackouts occurred. In the early hours of the night, the city faced a shortage of more than one hundred megawatts of electricity. Solutions were proposed to solve this problem, including switching off neighborhoods. These problems caused a decrease in the voltage of the electricity and the risk of burning electrical appliances. Frequent power outages in the summer of 1355 in Tehran caused community dissatisfaction, and the Tehran City Association proposed the purchase of electric motors to the Ministry of Energy to prevent intermittent power outages in the city. The association also demanded the government planning for the next year regarding electricity supply. Sanat Barq magazine increased the country's electricity production statistics from 1354 to 1355, but Tehran was still facing the problem of power outages. The government, in response to the increasing power outages in Tehran, took proactive measures to ensure the country's energy management. One of the solutions was to save electricity consumption, which was limited to the first three hours of the night. In addition, a plan to turn off streetlights was implemented in June 1356. This electricity-saving plan was implemented not only in Tehran but also in other cities and towns that were fed from the national electricity network. Guilds and offices were also urged to be more careful in electricity consumption to avoid power outages. The Ministry of Energy played a crucial role in managing the country's energy needs, as demonstrated when the electricity of many shops in Tehran was cut off due to a violation of the rules of the Ministry of Energy. The schedule of power outages in Tehran due to people's lack of savings was carried out by Tavanir Company. CEO Tawanir announced that changes had been made in the blackout program to prevent continuous blackouts, but these changes did not lead to the closure of small industrial units. CEO Tawanir stated that the government's forecast for the production of 5000 megawatts of electricity by 1355 needed to be corrected, and these problems were incalculable due to economic factors. The new program to reduce blackouts in Tehran was reviewed, and blackout hours were reduced from 4 to 3 hours per day. It was implemented according to the Ministry of Energy's plan, further instilling confidence in the government's ability to manage the crisis. This issue caused many problems for industries and departments. In order to reduce electricity consumption in Tehran, the Ministry of Energy implemented programs such as reducing the consumption load in emergency and power outages. In addition, the use of gas turbines in the electricity industry was proposed as a solution to increase electricity production. By purchasing high-capacity gas turbines, Tawanir covered all the country's needs in this field. Furthermore, the closure of offices and factories from 5 o'clock in the evening was proposed as a solution to reduce electricity consumption, and measures were taken to implement it. On July 15, 2016, Amir Abbas Hoyda ordered that an action plan be prepared to supply the electricity needed by the country's manufacturing industries. Ministers traveled to different regions of the country and decided that the electricity required by industries, agricultural water wells, and public consumption should be given priority. This program included the provision of electricity, the travel of ministers to the cities, the use of existing electricity sources, the facilities created for the clearance and transportation of goods related to electricity, and the full authority to implement the program to the water and electricity managers. With this program, it was expected that problems would arise. Power outages should be resolved, especially in the industrial sector. Conclusion The increase in blackouts in the last years of the Pahlavi regime, along with the increase in inflation and the lack of essential goods, multiplied the people's problems. Therefore, the government proposed solutions to save and reduce electricity consumption as much as possible and tried to implement them in immediate and short-term measures. However, these policies resulted in the closure of the country's industries and factories, which resulted in substantial economic losses. The frequent power outages that plagued the people and the industry in the last years of the Pahlavi regime can be considered the result of the weakness of the administrative system and disregard for the opinions of experts in the field of electricity. When this crisis occurred, the managers of the electricity industry, instead of giving a solution, blamed the former managers of this field. Although solutions such as announcing a blackout schedule, cutting TV programs, and changing the working hours of government offices and organizations were on the officials' agenda, more precise planning and accurate forecasts prevented the resolution of this crisis. Of course, we should remember people's consumerism due to the rising standard of living and the desire for more lighting. قطعی برق در ایران موضوع تازهای نیست. در سالهای پایانی حکومت پهلوی نیز خاموشیهای گسترده گریبانگیر مردم شده بود. رشد بیرویۀ جمعیت تهران در دهۀ 1350 و عدم ‌توسعۀ لازم در بخش تولید به تناسب جمعیت از یک طرف و بیشتر شدن نرخ رشد تقاضای برق از نرخ رشد عرضۀ آن و عدم سرمایهگذاری لازم برای توسعۀ ظرفیت‌های تولید و انتقال و توزیع برق از طرف دیگر موجب خاموشی و کمبود برق شد. مسئولین دولتی برای رفع این مشکل و جلوگیری از تکرار آن دست به اقداماتی زدند، از جمله خاموش کردن چراغ خیابانها، پارکها و ادارات دولتی در ساعات اولیۀ شب و خاموشی موقت خانهها و محلات در سراسر کشور بهویژه تهران. اجرای طرح خاموشی و تاریکی (دفاع غیرعامل هوایی) در تهران، خاموشی چراغ‌های بعضی از معابر شهر تهران و ‏‫تنظیم برنامهای برای کاهش بار مصرفی از سیستم بههمپیوسته در مواقع اضطراری از دیگر راهکارهای ادارۀ برق برای تأمین برق شهر تهران به شمار میرفت. این پژوهش با استفاده از روش تحقیق تاریخی و با استناد به اسناد آرشیوی و منابع تاریخی درصدد بررسی علل و پیامدهای قطعی برق شهر تهران در دهة آخر حکومت محمدرضا شاه پهلوی است. یافتههای پژوهش نشان میدهد بهرغم اقدامات مسئولین، مشکل خاموشی در بخش خانگی ادامه داشت، تا جایی که دولت برای عبور از اوج مصرف برق در تابستان و رفع مشکل کمبود برق مجبور شد کارخانهها و واحدهای تولیدی را تعطیل کند.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_103980_0caa59872b79bfdcf2a7422d00699767.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 The Challenge of Protecting the Citadel of Islam in the Iranian and Ottoman Constitutions (Emphasising the Approach of Agha Najafi Qochani) چالش حفظ بیضه اسلام در مشروطه ایران و عثمانی با تاکید بر رویکرد آقانجفی قوچانی 117 133 103981 10.48308/irhj.2023.232222.1249 FA یوسف حیدرنژاد دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ اسلام، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 07 05 Abstract In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Iran and the Ottoman Empire witnessed political movements triggered by the weakening of social solidarity, mainly due to the changes in the external and internal conditions of the Islamic world and a long period of political and social processes. From this point of view, the theologians (ulemaʾ) in both countries began their theoretical and practical activities to preserve and stabilize their societies. Among these scholars were the ulemaʾ of Najaf, who played a significant role in the development of new concepts and the transmission of ideas between the two countries due to their residence on Ottoman soil and their strong cultural ties with Iran. One of these ulemaʾ was Agha Najafi Quchani, a disciple of Akhund Khorasani and one of the defenders of his principled approach to the constitution. This article attempts to examine Aghanajafi Quchani’s approach to the challenges of maintaining social solidarity and protecting the citadel of Islam (Beyze-ye Islam) in the Iranian and Ottoman constitutions. The article argues that in Agha Najafi’s view, the four main components of constitutionalism, collective rationality, moral freedom and social equality were the basis for the maintenance of social solidarity and the protection of the citadel of Islam. This article was written using a documentary research method and it is based on Durkheim’s theory of social solidarity. Introduction The late 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed the constitutional movement in Iran and the Ottoman Empire, occurring in close succession. The initial constitutional period of the Ottoman Empire lasted from December 23, 1876, to February 14, 1878. It was driven by the young Ottomans' desire to establish a European-style constitution. The process involved the removal of Abdul Aziz I and the accession of Abdul Hamid II, who then suppressed the constitutionalists. However, a second wave of constitutionalism commenced in 1908 with the leadership of Jam’iyat-i Ittihad va Taraqqi (the Committee of Union and Progress), leading to the Sultan's acceptance. The constitutional movement gained momentum in Iran in 1905 with Muzaffaruddin Shah's endorsement. Nevertheless, Mohammad Ali Shah dissolved the parliament in 1908, triggering widespread riots and the eventual conquest of Tehran. These movements share remarkable parallels and underpinnings, creating a sense of interconnectedness in our historical narrative. The origins of Iran's constitutional movement can be traced back to the Ottoman sphere, with fundamental concepts spreading from the Ottoman Empire to Iran. The common intellectual influences of European origin further unite these movements. One notable similarity is the challenge to social solidarity, aligning with Durkheim's delineation of social solidarity as based on the division of labor in different societies. In both Iran and the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of new thinkers and social classes influenced by Europe was a pivotal factor in the constitutional movements. This shared history underscores the need for a thorough examination of the significant social transformations within the constitutional framework. The urgency of historical analysis is clear, as the alteration of the pattern of social solidarity in both territories was a catalyst for the emergence of constitutionalism, a journey shared by us all. Materials And Methods According to Durkheim's definition, division of labor is the primary basis of social solidarity in various societies. In Durkheim's hypothesis, human societies are separated into mechanical and organic categories. Mechanical societies have family solidarity and kinship; in organic societies, solidarity is a division of labor due to the distinction between individuals. In the Iranian and Ottoman constitutional movements, one of the leading and significant issues was the emergence of new thinkers and new social classes influenced by Europe. Therefore, studying the significant social changes that occurred in the constitutional text seems critical and necessary. Changing the pattern of social solidarity in Iran and the Ottoman Empire was one of the factors leading to constitutionalism. Meanwhile, the scholars of Najaf were a significant class in the Iranian and Ottoman constitutional movements, playing a crucial role in accelerating the movement. Their presence in the Ottoman soil and their strong cultural connections with Iran allowed them to have a comprehensive understanding of the social changes in the two nations. Therefore, understanding the perspectives of Najaf scholars on the concept of constitutionalism and its foundations can guide us in adapting the model of social solidarity in the Iranian and Ottoman constitutional movements. Aghanajafi Quchani, an active thinker who has left significant works in the field of science and practice, is one of the scholars who has had a profound influence on the development of Najaf's thinking and its transfer to Iran. Hence, it is essential to explore the ideas proposed by Najaf scholars, including Aghanajafi Quchani, to foster social solidarity, and to identify the main source of these ideas. Results And discussion From the era of Naseruddin Shah, the neglect of the political structure towards the educated class caused the migration of a large number of Iranian elites and intellectuals to the Ottoman Empire. This migration, led by scholars and intellectuals, resulted in the creation of a nucleus of journalists and freedom fighters in Istanbul. The first influential newspaper of the immigrants, Akhtar, was published in 1875. Another significant newspaper, Shams, was established in Istanbul and played a crucial role in transferring the concepts of constitutionalism from the Ottoman and Europe to the scholars of Najaf and Iran. Meanwhile, Aghanajafi Quchani was one of the prominent students of Akhund Khorasani in Najaf and was greatly influenced by him. His presence in Iraq during the constitutional era caused his view of events to become broader and to find a comprehensive and transnational dimension. This approach is critical in his common understanding of the social problems of Iraq (under Ottoman influence) and the analysis of Iranian society in the constitutional era. On the other hand, Aghanajafi is considered one of the commentators on Khorasani Mukhtar's ideas on constitutionalism. This issue is well reflected in his policy book. On the other hand, his chronicling of Iraqi society in his journey to the East shows his critical view of the constitutional events in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. From this point of view, Aghanajafi has assumptions about the causes of the weakening of the Iranian and Ottoman social structure, which, in fact, is the narrator of the common understanding of a part of Iranians living in Iraq about constitutionalism. Therefore, to better understanding such trends, we show the concept of social solidarity by comparing the definitions of Shams newspaper and the scholars of Najaf to find its roots and explain the concept in question. This understanding was related to the constitutional events in Iran and the Ottoman Empire and accelerated social and political developments in these two countries. Thoughts based on reason entered the Islamic world from the West and had a similarity with the fundamental views and the Samarra school regarding the place of reason. These ideas were transmitted without resistance by scholars like Akhund Khorasani. In the Qajar era, tyranny was defined as self-restraint and self-liberation. This concept was used by the scholars and writers of Najaf and it was brought up in an undisguised way in the Ottoman government. The scholars of Najaf not only derived the legitimacy of the constitutional government from Islam, but also emphasized that political and social life should be preserved by the continuation of Islamic traditions and rules. Ignoring these traditions has led to the weakening of social solidarity and cultural instability, and selfish interests have been preferred over merit and divine laws. These issues are attributed to human rationality and commitment. Conclusion Since the end of the 19th century, with the intensification of the entry of modern ideas into Iran and the Ottoman Empire, the thinkers of the two nations tried to understand the frameworks of the new concepts. The main goal of the thinkers of the two countries was to organize new concepts of solidarity and social unity in their societies. Despite this, due to the structural and individual barriers within the Iranian and Ottoman governments, revolutionary movements were accompanied by social rebellion and the weakening of the power structure and social solidarity. Among the pioneer thinkers in this field were the scholars of Najaf who, due to their presence on Ottoman soil as an intermediary, played a role in the emergence and understanding of some modern ideas. One of these scholars, Aghanajafi Quchani, was one of the students of Akhund Khorasani and one of the prominent members of the Usuli School of Samarra. Since childhood, he entered the seminary circles of Iran in Isfahan and then Najaf. During his 20-year stay in Najaf, he combined the intellectual mind and mystical passion, creating amalgams of traditional and modern thoughts. He was present in Najaf during the constitutional process of Iran and the Ottoman Empire and closely witnessed the expansion of the constitutional movement in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, understanding his thoughts on the Constitution can show the transfer of new concepts from the Ottoman to Iran. Among the wide range of his thoughts in this regard, we can mention the concept of the testicle of Islam, which is a narrator of a type of social solidarity. Aghanajafi, like his Ottoman counterparts, including Medhat Pasha and Jalal Nouri, considered political and social tyranny and disregard for Islamic traditions to be the most critical factors in weakening social solidarity or Islam. In this field, he mostly agrees with his teacher, Akhund Khorasani. Therefore, he often expresses his thoughts by explaining the mullah's ideas. He considers the four main components of the Constitution, collective reason, freedom, and equality, to be the basis and basis for the revival and preservation of the testicles of Islam, and based on this, he presents a kind of model of philosophical ethics in the social framework. Based on this, from his point of view, the Constitution has a moral concept that opposes tyranny. From Quchani's point of view, constitutionalism refers to moral restraints and emotional requirements, while tyranny is linked to self-indulgence. Based on this, it is in the restraints of the ego that reason finds room for thinking and can appear in the social field. Therefore, the position of collective reason is higher than the imperfect reason of one person because it is a condition of constitutionalism. Freedom and equality are comprehensible only in certain areas and are seen as an offshoot of intellectual freedom. در اواخر قرن نوزدهم و اوایل قرن بیستم میلادی دو کشور ایران و عثمانی شاهد جنبشهای سیاسی ناشی از تزلزل همبستگی اجتماعی بودند. تزلزل همبستگی اجتماعی در جوامع ایران و عثمانی عمدتاً به دلیل تغییر شرایط بیرونی و درونی جهان اسلام و نتیجۀ دورهای طولانی از تحولات سیاسی و اجتماعی بود. از این منظر اندیشمندان و علمای دو کشور، در تلاش برای حفظ ثبات در اجتماع خود، فعالیتهای علمی و عملی را آغاز کردند. از جملۀ این اندیشمندان علمای نجف بودند که به دلیل قرار گرفتن در خاک عثمانی و داشتن ارتباطات فرهنگی قوی با ایران، در تولید مفاهیم جدید و انتقال اندیشههای دو کشور نقش بسزایی داشتند. از زمرۀ این افراد آقانجفی قوچانی بود که از شاگردان و مریدان آخوند خراسانی و از مدافعان نگاه اصولی وی به مشروطه بود. بنابراین، سؤال این پژوهش این است که آقانجفی قوچانی برای ایجاد همبستگی اجتماعی و حفظ بیضۀ اسلام در مشروطۀ ایران و عثمانی چه راهکاری را مؤثر میدانست؟ مدعا این است که از نظر آقانجفی چهار مؤلفۀ اصلی مشروطیت، عقلانیت جمعی، حریت اخلاقی و مساوات اجتماعی منشأ تداوم همبستگی اجتماعی یا حفظ بیضۀ اسلام هستند. این تحقیق با استفاده از شیوۀ اسنادی و براساس نظریۀ همبستگی اجتماعی دورکیم تدوین شده است.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_103981_8584f95e34ebe17421003ceb0812ba4b.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 Explanation of the Ideology and the Political, Social, and Economic Programs of “the Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (from January 1953 to February 1955) 1955) تبیین ایدئولوژی و برنامه های سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی جمعیت آزادی مردم ایران (بهمن 1331 تا اسفند 133۳) 135 157 103995 10.48308/irhj.2023.232480.1252 FA سید هاشم آقاجری دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران 0000-0001-8852-9619 مهدی زمانی دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2023 07 24 Abstract Following the opening of the political and intellectual space in Iran in the 1320s, various political parties emerged with their different ideologies and programs. One of these parties was “the "Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (Jamʿiyyat-e Azadi-ye Mardom-e Iran), which began its activities around the same time as the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. This article aims to explain the ideology and the political, social and economic goals of “the "Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” based on a descriptive-analytical method using primary sources. The party, based on its own analysis, saw Iranian society on the verge of social transformation and promoted agendas based on a specific ideology to realize this transformation. The basis for this ideology was theistic socialism, i.e. a combination of socialism and Islamic religious identity, on the basis of which the party pursued its goals. Among the most important goals pursued by the party were the protection of Iran's independence and territorial integrity, the creation of a democratic national government, the nationalization of natural resources and their exploitation on the basis of a national socialist ideology, the development of mechanization, the cession of agricultural land to farmers, the extension of property rights, the nationalization of heavy industry, the provision of public health care and cultural products, the fight against materialistic and superstitious ideas, the support of Islamic principles to strengthen faith, intellectual and moral growth in society, the guarantee of women’s rights and the strengthening of the family structure. Introduction With the outbreak of World War II, Reza Shah surrendered and abdicated in favor of his son. Following this change and the emergence of new conditions, space was given for political and intellectual action. Because of this relatively free political environment, competition, cooperation, connection, integration, and conflict between different ideologies emerged, and various organizations and parties formed. Tudeh Party, Iran Party, Adalat Party, Watan Party, and National Unity Party were among these parties. In addition to these political parties, different currents of thought with different ideologies also emerged, which became the basis for forming new political parties. One of these intellectual currents was the "Socialist God-worshipping Movement," which, by criticizing the materialistic and religious discourses of the time, proposed the ideology of socialism based on god-worship and organized its political, economic, and social programs based on it. After some time, some members of this intellectual current, following the apparent political activity and playing a role in the internal developments of Iran, created a political organization called "National Movement of Iran." Later, the members of this political organization integrated into this party due to the alliance with the Iranian party. Then, in February of 1331, parallel to the conflict of the national government with tyranny and colonialism, the coalition of the Movements and the Iranian Party broke up, and they created a new party called "Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (Jamʿiyyat-e Azadi-ye Mardom-e Iran). From the beginning, this newly founded party propagated the ideology of socialism based on theism and published its various political, economic, and social programs through its official organ, the Iranian People's Daily. The subject of this research is to explain the ideology and programs of this party. Materials and Methods This article was written using historical methods and data analysis. About this topic, as far as the author has checked, independent work has yet to be written so far. Most works have limited themselves to giving a brief and general report about this population only during the introduction of political parties and organizations. However, in the two comprehensive works published about the socialist god movement, the Jamiat Azadi people of Iran and its programs are also mentioned. One of these two is the book of the Socialist God-worshippers Movement by Mahmoud Nekorouh (2013). In this book, the author has provided a brief report on how the party was formed and how it acted during the Mossadegh National Government until the 1953 coup d'état. He has only mentioned the text of the manifesto and individual contract of the party and some articles of the party's founders, without any analysis. The other is the well-documented and prestigious study of socialist god worshipers from the gatherings to the people's freedom society written by Mohammad Hossein Khosrupanah (1400), which was very helpful in writing this research. In this comprehensive work, Khosrupanah has provided a detailed report on the organization and political activities of the Iranian People's Freedom Movement from the beginning of its activities until the August 28 coup. In addition, he has briefly explained some parts of Jamiat's programs by describing the party's performance. In the current research, which is independent research about this party, an attempt is made to explain and explain the ideology and programs of the population in a complete and orderly manner by relying on the analytical and descriptive approach of the sources, especially by focusing on the official organ of the party, i.e., the Iranian People's Daily. The questions should be answered: What were the components and features of the ideology of the Iranian People's Freedom crowd, and what political, economic, and social programs did the crowd pursue according to this ideology? Jamiat Azadi people of Iran were one of the influential parties of the National Movement period. Therefore, explaining its views can help us understand this period's intellectual and political paradigm. Results and Discussion The fall of Reza Shahi's government led to the resumption of activities of national forces and freedom fighters. However, the supremacy of selfishness and individualism prevented the creation of social organizations to fulfill democratic demands. This issue provided the basis for authoritarian forces to gain power. Against the anti-national and reactionary forces, the national movement began to realize socialist and democratic demands. The population of its members was active in political, social, and economic struggles, along with belief in God and socialism. Its programs included defending independence, supporting moral principles, and implementing socialist reforms to improve material conditions. In its political and social program, the population paid special attention and support to the lower classes of society, workers and peasants. They promised the workers that they should start a savior battle to end the shameful life and the gradual Black Death. In addition, they recognized the working classes as the organized and leading ranks of this social struggle and expected them to base their revolution on the social, moral, and spiritual foundation. They also paid special attention and support to the peasants as a class that experienced deprivation, humiliation, and distress in the feudal equations and declared that the ownership of barren forests and other natural resources should be transferred to the society. We concluded that if the land is not used for agriculture, it does not belong to individual ownership, and as a natural and eternal heritage, it should be used according to social requirements and legal conditions. The party sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a democratic and socialist government, and for this purpose, it launched campaigns with three demands: freedom, equality, and faith in God. They were looking for a human-centered socialist future and believed that by forming the Islamic Front, they could be a powerful force against the two world fronts. The party suggested that the people support the creation of a united socialist organization to destroy the oppressive and feudal capitalist regime. They also warned that any effort to be flexible and compromise with this capitalist system would only benefit the wealthy groups and harm the working classes. In this way, he encouraged the National Front party as a tool to fight against foreign colonialism and warned that Mossadegh's government was indifferent to internal reforms. This party believed that definitive and fundamental reforms require comprehensive and social efforts. Conclusion According to the intellectual and political developments of the era, the Association for Freedom of Iranian People thought that the Iranian society was on the threshold of transition from the current situation to another. According to them, this transition will be democratic, social, and socialist. Therefore, it prepared and propagated its ideology and programs in line with this transition's advancement and faster realization. In this general program, the ideology of the Socialist Party was based on the worship of God, formulated through the criticism of contemporary intellectual discourses, especially the materialistic and traditional religious discourses. It paid attention to the two intellectual cores of Western modernity and the religious culture of the indigenous society. In other words, in this ideology, western socialism (minus its materialistic aspect) was placed next to religious identity (Islam in its monotheistic form). According to them, realizing the transition will be possible only by relying on this ideology and creating an all-inclusive party, they were trying to create. They prepared a political, social, and economic program based on this ideology. According to this program, in the political arena, they sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a democratic and national military, and in the social and economic arenas, they sought to implement socialist programs. Among the most important goals pursued by the party were the protection of Iran's independence and territorial integrity, the creation of a democratic national government, the nationalization of natural resources and their exploitation on the basis of a national socialist ideology, the development of mechanization, the cession of agricultural land to farmers, the extension of property rights, the nationalization of heavy industry, the provision of public health care and cultural products, the fight against materialistic and superstitious ideas, the support of Islamic principles to strengthen faith, intellectual and moral growth in society, the guarantee of women’s rights and the strengthening of the family structure. در پی باز شدن فضای سیاسی و فکری ایران در دهۀ بیست، احزاب مختلف با ایدئولوژی و برنامههای متفاوت پدید آمدند. جمعیت آزادی مردم ایران یکی از این احزاب بود که مقارن با دورۀ نهضت ملی شدن صنعت نفت فعالیت میکرد. این تحقیق به شیوۀ تحلیلی و توصیفی و با استفاده از منابع دست اول در پی تبیین ایدئولوژی و برنامههای سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی این حزب است. حزب، براساس تحلیل خود، جامعۀ ایران را در آستانۀ یک تحول اجتماعی میدید و برای تحقق آن، برنامهای مبتنی بر یک ایدئولوژی تبلیغ میکرد. شالودۀ این ایدئولوژی سوسیالیسم بر پایۀ خداپرستی بود، یعنی در عین توجه به سوسیالیسم، بر هویت دینی در شکل امر توحیدی تأکید داشت. حزب در ذیل این ایدئولوژی، برنامۀ سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی مورد نظر خود را دنبال میکرد. دفاع از استقلال و تمامیت ارضی، کوشش برای تکمیل حاکمیت ملی دموکراتیک، عمومی کردن تمام منابع طبیعی و بهرهبرداری سوسیالیستی و ملی از آنها، بسط و توسعۀ ماشینیزم، واگذاری زمین زراعتی به کشاورزان و بسط مالکیت اجتماعی، ملی ساختن صنایع سنگین، تهیۀ وسایل فرهنگی و بهداشتی برای همه، مبارزه با افکار مادی و خرافی، پشتیبانی از مبانی اسلام برای تقویت ایمان، رشد فکری و اخلاقی اجتماع، تأمین حقوق زنان و تحکیم خانواده از مهمترین خواستهایی بود که حزب در پی تحقق آنها بود.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_103995_0b226fe4698517061d8d2c7da0e5ceb0.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 The Migration of Iranian Baluchis to East Africa: A Successful Paradigm for the Persistence of Identity and Cultural Interaction مهاجرت بلوچ های ایرانی به شرق آفریقا: پارادایمی موفق از حفظ هویت و تاثیر و تاثر متقابل فرهنگی 159 182 104207 10.48308/irhj.2023.232484.1253 FA امیربهرام عرب احمدی دانشیار گروه مطالعات غرب اسیا و افریقا، دانشکده مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2023 07 24 Abstract The aim of this article is to draw an overall picture of the past and present situation of Iranian Baluchis in East Africa and the way they adapt to the new environment, based on an examination of various aspects of the reasons and ways of migration. Identifying the reasons for Baluch migration to East Africa and the impact of their presence on the indigenous population (and vice versa) are the main objectives of this article. The hypothesis of the article is that the indigenous population of East Africa welcomed the immigrants and established an amicable relationship with them. The theoretical framework of this article is based on the “interactive theory of acculturation and integration index in acculturation model” by Richard Bourhis. The author has attempted to examine the cultural interaction between Baluch immigrants and East African natives through qualitative content analysis, analysis of historical sources and field research as well as personal observations. The bilateral socio-cultural consequences of Baluch immigration to East Africa are considered as independent variables. Introduction One of the essential migrations in the history of Iran, which, despite its relatively significant implications, has not yet received the attention of many researchers, is the migration of a group of Iranian Baluchis to the countries of the East African region through the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, which began in the middle of the 17th century. The relatively significant and cohesive Baloch minority in East and Southeast Africa, which now includes a population of about 25,000 people, were initially soldiers and warriors of the Omani sultans who ruled Zanzibar and later became successful entrepreneurs. Currently, Balochs of Iranian origin have a relatively high income compared to the native community, and despite their extended stay in this region, they have maintained their ethnic and racial characteristics. Based on the author's available sources, field studies, and personal observations, this article seeks to identify and investigate the reasons for Baloch migration to East Africa, and how they interacted with the natives. The article also attempt to answer the questions of what factors cause Baloch migration to East Africa. Moreover, how did their presence affect the region's natives and vice versa? In addition, the author has tried to prove the hypothesis that "the Baloch established friendly relations with the native population of East African countries and were accepted as a part of the native community of this region" in a suitable and substantiated way. The political and cultural results of the residence of Iranian-origin Balochs in the current countries of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania (and some other countries) are also considered independent variables. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the theory of "interactive acculturation model and integration index in the acculturation model" by Professor Richard Borghes, a professor of social psychology at the University of Quebec, Canada. According to the theory of Dr. Borges, the strategy of integration is an adaptive approach whereby the citizens of the host society believe that immigrants have the right to preserve their cultural heritage simultaneously and, at the same time, accept the characteristics of the national culture of the host society. Materials And Methods In this article, based on the qualitative content analysis method and by collecting, categorizing, and systematically analyzing the available information and documents and the extracted materials, the author tries to scientifically interpret the authenticity of the collected data and prove the objectivity of the obtained results. In parallel, it collects and analyzes part of the required qualitative data using the field research method in Kenya and Tanzania. Regarding the research literature, it is worth mentioning that despite the population of approximately 25,000 Baloch people in East African countries, this issue has yet to be investigated independently in the scientific circles inside the country. In Persian sources, only Arab Ahmadi, a faculty member of Tehran University, has written valuable articles about the Baloch. In English sources, there is not much information about the Baloch immigrants to East Africa, and only some books and articles contain information about this Iranian-origin minority. Please note the book 'Nasim Garam Baluchistan and East Africa.'" written by Jafar Kado, and the articles "Notes on the presence of Asians along the Swahili coast during the 19th century" and "Makran, Oman, and Zanzibar: the cultural corridor of the three ends." In the Western Indian Ocean" by Professor Nicolini, a Professor at the Catholic University of Rome, and "The East African Baloch: Dynamics of Assimilation and Integration" written by Professor Abdul Aziz Luzi, a Professor at the University of Uppsala, Sweden. Therefore, the author has tried in this article by identifying and collecting reliable sources, part of which is the result of the author's field studies in Tanzania and interviews with some Baloch of Iranian descent living in this country, to present the available information about this dynamic and coherent Iranian minority. Organize and edit comprehensively. The innovative aspect of this article is the use of the topic of Baluchis of Iranian origin living in Tanzania, Kenya, and Uganda, who have preserved their Iranian-Baluchi customs and culture for several centuries. Results And discussion, 500 In the ancient history of the land of Sistan and Baluchistan, the Baloch people have been forced to migrate to nearby countries and even distant climates, mainly due to poverty and general famine, the incompatible nature of the province, and other reasons, including the occurrence of some natural disasters. An important reason that has always forced the Baloch to migrate to different countries is the climate and the dry nature of Sistan and Baluchistan province, which has always created problems for the natives. In addition, the existence of limited opportunities for the development of agricultural activities, lack of water, occasional famines, and intermittent droughts that have led to the gradual loss of pastures for herds and farming lands are among the other main reasons for Baloch migration to countries such as India, Turkmenistan, Oman, and East Africa are considered in different historical periods. The Qajar dynasty's harsh treatment of the Baloch, which included heavy taxation and suppression, was another significant factor that intensified the migration of Baloch people to other countries. In the early years of the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, a new round of migration began abroad. Following the spread of insecurity in different areas of Sistan and Baluchistan province, some Baloch clans were the target of attacks by drug traffickers, criminal gangs, and terrorist groups. Inevitably, they went to other countries in search of a safe environment. Since the 17th century, Oman has been a significant destination for Baloch migration. Many Balochs immigrated to Oman in the first decades of this century, serving in various roles such as guards, soldiers, and war mercenaries to the kings of the Yaroubi and Busaidi dynasties. In their efforts to achieve their developmental goals in East Africa, the Sultans of Oman gradually sent these Balochs to their possessions in East Africa due to their bravery and fighting spirit. The Baloch, sent to Zanzibar, other islands, and coastal areas of East Africa, quickly adapted to the new environment. Their experience in using hot and cold weapons and their spirit of honesty, courage, and bravery enabled them to be promoted to special guards of the Omani sultans of Zanzibar. The number of Baluchis living in East Africa is about twenty-five thousand people; most of them live in Kenya and Tanzania. Balochs have formed independent minorities in these countries. The Kenyan Balochi comprise three groups, including Balochi, the survivors of the first generation of mercenary soldiers who migrated to these areas from Oman in the 18th century. In Tanzania, the Baloch are divided into two main groups. The Kaole Baloch are one of the oldest minorities in the country. Balochs in Tanzania are also engaged in agriculture and irrigation and have set up advanced irrigation systems. Uganda is a country that has gradually accommodated Balochs of Iranian descent since the 19th century. These ethnic groups have migrated to the East African region and settled in Uganda, especially Soroti and Arewa. In addition to Uganda, Baluchis of Iranian origin live in Somalia and the Democratic Congo. Since long ago, the Baloch people have recognized and depended on their national identity through the tribes and communities In East Africa, Balochs are divided into two main groups, "Omani" and "Nangarani." The Balochs, known as Omanis from Orientalism, traveled to East Africa from the 17th to the 19th century and they are now known as Omani Balochs. This group of Balochs are of Iranian origin and migrated from Sistan and Baluchistan to Oman. They were sent to East Africa as Omani soldiers and later they joined the British. Nangarani Baloch also migrated to East Africa and worked in agriculture and military service. The natives' culture has influenced the life of the Baloch in East Africa, and this cultural exchange has created cordial relations between the two communities. Gradually, the Iranian Baloch accepted the influence of African culture, the influence of the Swahili language, and its popularity. Balochs, who needed interaction with Africans, learned the Swahili language and joined the community of East African Swahili speakers. Many speak a mixture of Swahili and Balochi at home and with their families. The teaching of the Swahili language began in the 18th and 19th centuries and continued until the middle of the 19th century when the Baloch completely mastered this local language. Conclusion This article has investigated the cultural expectations of the African native community, as the host community, and the cultural orientation of the Baloch immigrants, according to the theory of 'integration index in acculturation model' by Professor Borges. This model, which measures the degree of cultural integration of immigrants into a host society, suggests that the Iranian Baloch immigrants established a close relationship with the native people, thereby succeeding in introducing themselves as a part of the East African society. In fact, in accordance with Borges' model of acculturation, Balochs of Iranian origin who immigrated to East Africa have succeeded in intelligently and indirectly, in addition to preserving their cultural heritage, some characteristics of Iranian culture and also Baloch subculture among the Swahili speakers of East Africa. They introduce and at the same time incorporate parts of the national culture of the destination communities. In addition, during their long stay in East African countries, Baloch immigrants have gradually increased their scientific and cultural achievements and played a role as influential elements in the host societies step by step. In parallel, the Baloch have always strengthened their friendly relations with the natives and during their centuries of stay in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, they have never had any tension or conflict with their hosts, which shows their respect for the culture and customs of the destination countries and their efforts to the continuation of effective interaction with the people of East Africa. Although the first Baloch immigrants to East Africa were not literate and were only known as professional warriors, today Balochs of Iranian origin are among the educated minorities in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, and a large number of them have a significant economic status. They are not only engaged in economic activities but have also made significant contributions in the political arena. Some have achieved high political responsibilities, such as Rostam Aziz, a very influential businessman and former member of the Parliament of Tanzania; Harun Mullah Pir Muhammad, the current member of the Parliament of Tanzania; Sheikh Muhammad Dori Muhammad Yaqub, the former ambassador of Kenya in Oman, and Buri Muhammad Hamza, the former Minister of State of the Prime Minister's Office for Environmental Affairs of the Federal Republic of Somalia. The Baloch also manages several factories and large commercial companies in East Africa. Some Baloch who have studied in European and American universities have achieved important medical, judicial, academic, and real estate jobs, displaying their significant contributions to East African societies. Interestingly, the Baloch communities of East Africa still consider the Persian language as a symbol of their national identity, and at the same time, they use the Swahili and Baloch languages in their daily communication. Many Baloch families in Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya, despite their long stay in these countries, have maintained their relative mastery of Persian and Balochi languages and passed it on to their children. In recent decades, some Baloch cultural figures in East African countries have been trying to teach Persian and Balochi languages to young generations by establishing the “Cultural Association of Baloch Iranians” and holding Persian and Balochi language classes and keeping Iranian traditions and customs alive. Elders of Baloch communities in Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya regularly travel to Iran with the aim of preserving their Iranian roots and have great interest in strengthening their ties in the Baluchistan region of Sistan and Baluchistan province. These efforts highlight the strong commitment of Baloch communities in East Africa to preserve their cultural identity and heritage. این مقاله با بررسی چندوجهی دلایل و چگونگی مهاجرت تاریخی بلوچهای ایرانی به شرق آفریقا، درصدد است تصویری کلی از وضعیت گذشته و حال ایرانیان مهاجر به شرق آفریقا و نحوۀ تطبیق آنها با محیط جدید ترسیم نماید. سؤالات اصلی مقاله عبارتاند از: چه عواملی موجب مهاجرت بلوچها به منطقۀ شرق آفریقا شد؟ و حضور آنها چه تأثیری بر بومیان این منطقه داشت و بالعکس؟ فرضیۀ مقاله این است که جمعیت بومی شرق آفریقا از بلوچها به گرمی استقبال و با آنها روابط دوستانهای برقرار کردند. چارچوب نظری مقاله براساس نظریۀ «الگوی فرهنگپذیری تعاملی و شاخص یکپارچگی در مدل فرهنگ‌پذیری» پروفسور ریچارد بورهیس، استاد رشتۀ روانشناسی اجتماعی دانشگاه کبک کانادا، است. نویسنده با بهرهگیری از روش تحلیل محتوای کیفی همراه با تحلیل منابع تاریخی و مطالعات میدانی (و مشاهدات عینی)، تأثیر و تأثرات متقابل فرهنگی مهاجران بلوچ و بومیان شرق آفریقا را بررسی میکند. در عین حال، نتایج متقابل فرهنگی و اجتماعی حاصل از اقامت بلوچ‌ها در شرق آفریقا بهعنوان متغیرهای مستقل در نظر گرفته شده است.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104207_e6acaf55dac3caa0a79c79dc702f4f54.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 Peasant livelihood in Gilan from 1871 to 1906 معیشت دهقانی در گیلان از ۱۲۵۰ تا ۱۲۸۵ شمسی 183 206 104004 10.48308/irhj.2023.232750.1254 FA سامان رحمانی دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی ،گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران احمد خالقی دامغانی دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2023 08 14 Abstract This article examines the peasant livelihood and income levels of farmers in Gilan from the end of the Naserid period to the constitutional period. The basis for this study is the evaluation of the prevailing idea put forward in the works generally written about the social history of Qajar Iran. It is assumed that the Iranian peasantry lived in sheer poverty and at subsistence level due to extreme oppression. This article first assesses the income level of Gilak peasants based on the ratio of landowners to peasants in Gilan. Then, considering the basic income, it has demonstrated that Gilak farmers enjoyed a higher quality of livelihood compared to other Iranian farmers. Based on the available evidence and statistics, it can be claimed that at least during the period in question, economic pressure did not cause a predicament in the daily necessities of Gilak farmers. Therefore, we must look elsewhere for the reasons for their discontent during this period. Introduction The people of Gilan have had a unique lifestyle for a long time due to the natural gifts and fertility of the country's north. This geographical advantage has influenced their living standards since ancient times, setting them apart from other parts of Iran. This article investigates the livelihood and income level of Gilan farmers from the end of the Nasrid era to the constitutional era. It aims to answer whether the all-round poverty and livelihood crisis of Iranian peasants in this period also applies to the villagers of Gilan. This research sheds light on a lesser-explored aspect of Iranian history and provides a deeper understanding of the socio-economic conditions of the time. Two compelling interpretations emerge in response to the above question, providing a fascinating basis for understanding the activism of Gilan peasants during the constitutional period and subsequent movements. The first interpretation suggests that they joined the constitutional movement out of sheer necessity, driven by the harsh realities of poverty and the social and economic conditions that threatened their very survival. The second interpretation, which is also the hypothesis of this research, presents a different perspective. It suggests that the livelihood level of Gilani peasants surpassed the survival threshold at the time of the Constitution and showed signs of a burgeoning consumer culture in their lifestyle. This leads us to consider other factors that might have fueled their activism during the constitutional movement. The lack of examination of different aspects of daily life in the constitutional period is more comprehensive than the sources related to the north of Iran. The non-documentary and second-hand sources of the Constitution only narrate the lives and opinions of prominent and role-playing people or the general and essential events of those days. Of course, this issue is partly due to the nature of the documents left from that era. However, in some research, the social and economic conditions of Gilan have been analyzed at the threshold of the Constitution. For example, in his article "Guilan in the Constitutional Revolution (1911-1905 AD)", Pejman Dilmi described the constitutional period of Gilan briefly, mainly citing the reports of Rabino, Nikitin, and the Orange Book. He attaches great importance to the role of associations and social democrats of the Caucasus in this period, and at the same time, he pays attention to the peasant movements and considers their primary motivation to rise and stand against the relations of the lords and serfs. In the article "Caspian Peasant Revolts during the Constitutional Revolution," Jeanette Afari first examines some sources such as newspapers and parliament reports and then deals with the state of the rural economy at the end of the 19th century. He points out the mutual connection between Gilan and Azerbaijan peasant movements and pays special attention to the growth of associations, especially the state and trade associations of Rasht and Tabriz, between the years 1323 and 1327 AH. Also, Charles Esei in Iran's economy from 1800 to 1914 and Ahmad Saif in Iran's economy in the 19th century have given good reports about the daily life of Gilanians in that period, which, of course, are all opposite to the findings of this article and are all about the misery and misery of Gilanians in They tell about that period. Nasrullah Pouramalshi has also tried to provide a sociological analysis of the peasant movement of Gilan in his "Sociological Approach to the Rural Movements of Gilan." However, among these, there are works that, while accepting the chaotic economic conditions in the mentioned period, have focused not on the existence of famine but on cultural factors such as the transfer of Bolshevik ideas from Europe and especially Russia, and have searched for the constitutional roots of Gilan in the sociology of culture. Among these, we can mention works such as "The Role of Gilani Migrant Workers in the Constitutional Revolution" by Yaser Karimi Gilayeh, “Research, and Analysis of the Fields and Role of the Peasant Movement in Gilan's Constitutionalism Based on the Theory of Resource Mobilization” by Alireza Zadbar et al. At the same time, sources such as Villagers and Constitutionalism of Iran by Sohrab Yazdani and Agriculture of Iran in the Qajar Period by Willem Fleur, in line with the current research, have accepted the principle of livelihood superiority of Gilani peasants compared to villagers in other parts of Iran, but this is limited to the first half. 19th century, and they saw their living conditions decline in the years leading up to the Constitution. Materials And Methods The present article is methodologically descriptive and documents and library sources are used in it, but theoretically, the author has benefited as much as possible from the methodological achievements of the Annales School in historiography, a school that takes a unique approach to historical research. Analysts generally have a contemptuous attitude towards political events, military history and official international relations. For this reason, in this school, attention is paid to the biological and material foundations of life and topics such as nutrition, health, clothing, fashion, production, class distinction, class patterns and life patterns, in such a way that according to Peter Burke's analysis, it is practically in the category of Intermediate schools are placed. Especially since politics often does not play a decisive role in the works of analysts. For example, Braudel is very interested in investigating housing, food, clothing, and even architecture, home interior design, fashion, cooking, etc. in different historical periods. The current research, aims to focus on the socio-economic history of the constitutional period, and the narratives of its local elites, especially in the forest, should not be taken for granted, and regardless of the prominent political events that have occurred in a cross-sectional manner, the daily life of the people of Gilan and the gradual process of living in the public arena should be cited. Results And discussion In general, the evidence shows that the people of Gilan have had a suitable living situation for a long time. It is known that due to abundant access to rice, the people of Gilan used rice instead of bread even for breakfast, and even though wheat was readily available due to its cultivation in the foothills, bread was hated, and eating it was a form of degradation. They knew the social rank. According to Rabinu's interpretation, the proverb "Go eat bread and die" was famous among Gilkan. In their memoirs, European travelers repeatedly mention the excellent nutrition of the people of Gilan. Gilan was the only line where people could use beef. Due to the variety of food, the people of Gilan had learned how to stock up on different foods in the winter. The people of Gilan have achieved a decent livelihood for a long time; Instead of bread, they used rice for breakfast, and they hated bread. European tourists have mentioned the good nutrition of the people of Gilan and it was possible to use beef only in Gilan. There were no fixed laws, but the custom replaced it, and the owners' society prevented them from supporting the peasants. The owner-peasant arrangements were in favor of the peasants and the law looked at the extent that the owners benefited from the peasants' production. In his description of the freedom of the subjects in the lord's land, Rabino writes that the peasants do not pay rent for their huts, and their cows and sheep live in the lands under They don't cultivate, they graze freely. They can cut down the forest trees on the part of their property that is not under cultivation and sell them for a profit. Peasants can plant vegetables around their huts and sell or use them for their own benefit. The tenant also gives gifts to the landlord for each peasant. In another article, he explains the same distribution of the product and the government's share of them, that the peasants work freely in cultivating the land and receive their share of the product as wages. This system, while unique, was fair and ensured that the peasants were not exploited. Only one acre, the number of flowers of Gilani farmers is less than 15%. Each cropping cycle lasts 5 to 6 months, and during the other months of the year, the peasants cultivated the second crop of wheat and rice, went fishing, or migrated. Therefore, the income of a farmer was part-time. To determine this income, it is necessary to compare it with the wages of Dr. Charles Wills and Curzon. This comparison shows that the income of workers at the end of the nineteenth century Iran was on average 1 Qiran, and it increased and was overshadowed by the expenses. It had increased to 2 Qurans. However, in areas like Sistan where labor was cheap, price changes prevailed. Based on this, the analysis of the import statistics of European goods (other than Russia) to Gilan in only 5 years from 1874 to 1879 AD/1252 to 1257 AD is a clear evidence of the elasticity of Gilan markets. This term, 'elasticity of markets', refers to the ability of a market to adjust to changes in demand and supply. In the context of Gilan, it demonstrates the adaptability of the local economy to external influences. For instance, in 1874 AD, out of a total of 467,200 liras Sterling, the total value of imports to Gilan was about 94,000 lira (ie 20 percent) related to the import of European goods. This ratio in 1875 was equal to 104,000 liras out of a total of 429,440 liras (24%), in 1876 it was equal to 15,9925 out of a total of 514,790 liras (31%), in 1877 it was equal to 122,000 out of a total of 329,560 liras (38%), in 1878 it was equal to 132,685 out of a total of 408,816 liras (32%) has been. Therefore, it is very clear that even if we assume that the rest of the goods imported to Gilan in these years (which mainly included goods imported from Russia) all entered Gilan for transit to other states of Iran, still between 30 and 40 percent according to the above statistics. The goods imported to Gilan reached the domestic consumption of the people of this state, because the import from England was from the south of the country, and for imports from countries such as France, Greece, Holland, etc., they used the route of Tabriz, Zanjan-Qazvin. Looking at the customs statistics of Gilan regarding items imported from other Iranian states (which actually includes goods manufactured in other Iranian states in addition to non-Russian European goods, because only Russian goods were directly imported to Gilan), the composition and value of consumer goods in the local market of Gilan was clearly defined in those years. For example, the value of European fabrics imported to Gilan in 1874 to 1879 was 86,000, 9,000, 127,625, 106,000, 113,455 and 146,152 liras, respectively. In addition, the value of spices in the same period was 26,000, 22,000, 18,470, 10,000, 14,615 and 15,384 liras respectively. During the same period, the import of leather was equal to 3,600, 15,384, 33,000, 5,384 and 5,000 liras. Other items such as butter, Noghan eggs, sheep and tobacco were mainly produced in other states and imported to Gilan as raw material for food or silk production. Conclusion The main point is the separation of income status and level of satisfaction. In the writer's opinion, although these two categories are related, they are not necessarily the same. Here, it is essential to mention the critical point that Churchill, the British consul, quotes about the tax abuses in Gilan and the farmers' reaction to it in normal conditions: "Tax collectors, according to the income situation, a number of more than ten to twenty. They took a higher percentage than what was supposed to be taken from the peasants, and as long as they did not exceed this amount, the peasants felt satisfied. Indeed, the expression of satisfaction in this phrase does not mean that the peasants are happy with this amount of tax, but rather, it means the relative strength of their livelihood base that they could handle such a tax without conflicting with the government officials. At the same time, since Gilan was one of the leading centers of peasant rebellion in that period, the researchers of constitutional history found the most straightforward solution to reduce their causes and motivations to pure subsistence misery. By rejecting this hypothesis, the present article paves the way for proposing other hypotheses, such as the growth of political-social awareness, dissatisfaction caused by gross class differences, the many contacts of the people of Gilan with Europeans, and the influence of their lifestyle, etc. Of course, the evaluation of each of these hypotheses requires separate research, but in proving the hypothesis of the present research, we tried to argue in three ways: By describing lord-serf relations, the status of small owners, and the extent of shareholding and tenancy, we showed that the distribution of the benefits of cultivation was not at the expense of the peasants, as it seemed in the first place. This becomes especially important when the price of export agricultural products increases in the period under discussion; naturally, more benefits are given to the farmer. During the mentioned period, we showed that Gilan farmers' income was lower than that of other farmers. Their income-to-cost ratio was reasonable due to labor force exploitation and hidden income from the owner's land. The stable income level provided a sense of security in their economic situation. The evidence of surplus income should be identifiable in the daily lives of the peasants. Gilan state's import statistics show a substantial growth in consumer goods, changing lifestyles, and creating new demands. The devaluation of Iran's currency did not decrease the income of Gilani farmers due to their self-sufficient needs. هدف این نوشته بررسی وضع معیشت دهقانی و سطح درآمد کشاورزان گیلان از اواخر عصر ناصری تا مشروطه است. دلیل تمرکز بر وضعیت دهقانان گیلانی، ارزیابی احکام عمومی است که در آثار مختلف تاریخ اجتماعی دوران قاجار به طور مشترک در مورد زندگی روستاییان ذکر شده است. طبق این احکام، دهقانان ایران بر اثر مظالم گسترده همواره در نهایت افلاس و تلاش برای بقا بودهاند. در این مقاله به کمک تحلیل مناسبات ارباب و رعیتی در گیلان، ابتدا سطح درآمد دهقانان گیلانی برآورد میشود و سپس با توجه به این پایۀ درآمدی، وضعیت معیشتی ایشان تشریح و نشان داده میشود که نمیتوان وضع زندگی دهقانان گیلان را با روستاییان سایر نقاط ایران همسان دانست. با توجه به شواهد و آمار موجود میتوان ادعا کرد که حداقل در این بازۀ زمانی میزان فشار اقتصادی و معیشتی به دهقانان گیلان به سطحی نرسیده است که ایشان در تأمین نیازهای اساسی و روزمرۀ خود دچار بحران شده باشند. بنابراین، ریشۀ نارضایتی آنها را میبایست در علل و عوامل دیگری جستوجو کرد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104004_ceaa11c2e650b66af5af087047f1b8a1.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 The History of women’s Awakening in Fārs: a Case Study of the first journalistic experiences of Fārs women in the Pahlavi Period تاریخ بیداری زنان فارس: مطالعه موردی نخستین تجربه روزنامه‌نگاریِ زنان فارس در عصر پهلوی 207 223 103982 10.48308/irhj.2023.232997.1259 FA زیبا غفوری دانش آموخته دوره دکتری تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران. Journal Article 2023 09 03 Abstract After the constitutional revolution, women in the provinces, as well as in the capital, became involved in social activities such as the founding of schools, associations and newspapers. Women in Fārs and the city of Bushehr (which was part of the province during the Pahlavi period) also followed suit. This research attempts to determine the characteristics of women’s first experiences in journalism and the people involved based on a descriptive-analytical method using archival documents. According to the research findings, Shaukat Salami, one of the leading educated women in Bushehr at the beginning of the Pahlavi period, founded the first school for girls in Bushehr with the help of dignitaries and merchants of the city. Later, she published the Nurafshan newspaper to achieve women’s rights and their participation in political and social activities. Although it was a right-wing newspaper, Nurafshan published articles on women’s demands in all its issues. Introduction According to the religion of Islam and the verses of the Holy Qur’an, men and women are equal to each other. In the Holy Qur’an, God addresses men and women equally, sends down his instructions and commands to them equally, and does not separate them from each other. In the Qur'an, men and women have the same creation: "O people! Fear your Lord, who created you from a single soul and created your mate from him..." (Al-Nisa', 1). In addition, regarding duties, rewards, and punishments, the Qur'an addresses men and women equally: "So their Lord answered their supplication and [said] I will not allow the action of any of you, male or female, who I will not destroy you from each other" (Al-Imran/195). Also, in the Qur'an, women are equal to men in terms of titles and human and religious benefits: "On the day when you see believing men and women whose light is running ahead of them and to their right, [they will be told:] Today you will be given good tidings of gardens. Under those [trees] streams flow, you will live forever in them; this is a great success" (Al-Hadid/12). However, various reasons caused Muslims to deviate from the laws of Islam and Iranian women were driven to the interior until the Qajar era. Women were considered the second sex, and atrocities were always allowed against them. Insecurities, avoiding relations with non-intimates and such things were among the causes of restricting women and confining them at home. In the meantime, even the need for literacy was not an issue for women. Of course, the girls of the middle and upper classes of society learned to read and write through the teacher of the house. This situation continued until the middle of the Qajar era, until familiarity with new and western ideas affected the people, and issues such as women's literacy, their greater presence in society, assuming various jobs, and even their free presence in circles and gatherings were raised. In line with these developments, women's opinions also gradually changed. The constitutional revolution is a turning point in changing the status of Iranian women. Not only did they participate in this revolution, but also they were able to gain privileges such as the establishment and expansion of girls' schools in a new style. By being in the community, women found the opportunity to form associations to express their political opinions and demands. They also established a newspaper to convey their voice to men and the whole community. This first started in Tehran and then quickly spread to the cities. The present research aims to answer the question of what was the first journalism experience of women in Fars province and who played a role in this matter. It is obvious that investigating this issue helps us to understand the social history of Bushehr and the process of entry of Bushehr women into the field of science, knowledge and culture. It seems that the actions of Shaukat Salami, one of the leading and educated women living in Bushehr, were very effective in this field. Her pioneering efforts in launching the first girls' school and the first women's newspaper in Bushehr serve as a beacon of hope and inspiration for the future. Materials and Methods The current study's research method is based on historical, descriptive, and analytical methods. Our approach is thorough, utilizing archival and library resources and reviewing relevant newspapers, sources, books, and articles. This comprehensive method ensures that we have collected all the necessary information to present a complete picture of Shaukat Salami and Noorafshan newspaper. While no book or article has been published about Shaukat Salami and Noorafshan newspaper, our research is significant because it gathers scattered and limited references from various sources. Sadr Hashemi (1327), in his book History of Journals and Press, mentioned Nourafshan newspaper and the year of its publication. Pari Sheikhul-Islami (1351) also spoke briefly (on one page) about the activities of Shaukat Salami in the book Women in Iran and the World: Women Journalists and Thinkers of Iran. Gholamhossein Salehiar (1351) in the book "The Face of Contemporary Press" has described the identity of Nourafshan newspaper in a few lines. Abu Torabian (1356) also mentioned a series of general information about Nourafshan newspaper in the book of Iranian Press from 1320 to 1326, including the licensee, editors, date of publication, first issue, place of publication, and newspaper position. Qasim Yahosseini (1374) has provided the reader with more information about the Noorafshan newspaper and the life of Shaukat Salami in the book of Bushehr press, a key element in the history of Iranian journalism, compared to the above researches. Siddiqa Babran (1381) also mentioned only the birth certificate of Nourafshan newspaper in the book of special women's publications. Siros Rumi (1388) in his book "Persian press history" has mentioned only the beginning and end years, the type of publication and the name of the director of Nourafshan newspaper. Abdul Karim Mashayikhi (2015) in his book on Bushehr city education, he spoke briefly about the establishment of the first modern girls' school by Hemat Salami, but he did not mention Nourafshan newspaper. Our research, therefore, is a significant contribution to the literature, providing a comprehensive understanding of the first journalistic experience of Persian women during the Pahlavi era Results and discussion The first attempt of women to enter the press goes back to the era of the Constitutional Revolution. Despite the societal norms and challenges, they published articles in newspapers such as Majlis, Nedaya Vatan, Habal al-Matin, and Sur Esrafil. At this time, women sent their demands, objections, and criticisms about issues such as women's right to education, the electoral system, and participation in political affairs in the form of open letters to publications and newspapers, and they printed these letters. It should be noted that these letters were often published under pseudonyms, a testament to their perseverance and determination. During the period of the first parliament, women published their demands and opinions through constitutionalist newspapers, but gradually they thought of establishing a newspaper and directly entered the field of journalism. In this way, on 10 Ramadan 1328 AH/15 September 1910, the first women's magazine was published in Tehran under the initiative of Banu Kahal with the title of Danesh newspaper. She was the first female Iranian ophthalmologist who was trained by American missionaries, and received permission to practice medicine from them. In this newspaper, Kahal did not pay attention to political issues and only focused on issues related to women, such as child rearing, housekeeping, husbandry, women's literacy, and hygiene and health issues. The impact of these publications on societal change cannot be overstated, as they brought women's issues to the forefront and paved the way for further progress. Shokoofeh was the second women's magazine that was published in Tehran from Dhu Hijjah 1330 to Dhu Qadah 1334 under the management of Maryam Omid, nicknamed Mozin al-Sultaneh. The policy of this newspaper was also similar to that of Danesh. Zaban Zannan was the third newspaper Siddiqa Dolatabadi published in Isfahan on 20 Shawwal 1919/1337 AH. This newspaper published only women's articles. At first, he paid attention to issues such as housekeeping, health, and husbandry, but then he started to raise political and feminist issues. The next newspaper was Nama Banavan, published in Dhu Qadah 1338/July 1920 in Tehran under the initiative of Shahnaz Azad. In the same year, Alam Nesvan newspapers were published under the management of Nawabe Safavi in Tehran and Jahan Zannan under the efforts of Fakhr Afaq Parsa and his wife in Mashhad. Jamiat Naswan Watankhah Iran magazine was published in Tehran in 1302 under the management of an association with the same name and under the franchisee of Moloch Eskandari. The following newspaper was Naswan Shargh, published by Marzieh Zarrabi in Bandar Anzali in 1304. Pik Saadat Nesvan was also published in 1306 in the city of Rasht under the efforts of Roshank Nooddoost. Finally, the Noorafshan newspaper was published in Bushehr in 1309. The status of women in Bushehr during the Qajar period and early Pahlavi period did not achieve reasonable rights like in other regions of Iran. Men, based on their traditional beliefs, instigated the prohibition of women's presence in the communities. They even believed that teaching women could lead to unhealthy relationships between men and women. However, some nobles and nobles educated their daughters. In this situation, the girls' school "Banat Nesvan" was established in a new style, which Shaukat Salami created as the first female founder of a girls' school in Bushehr. Considering the low-level culture of the society and religious beliefs about the necessity of women's education, the girls' school initially needed to attract more attention. However, with the efforts of Shaukat Salami and mujtahids and clerics, the public attitude towards girls' education gradually changed, and women sent them to this school. Over time, the school had financial problems and was on the verge of closure, but with the help of Armenian founders and modern educational institutions, the financial problem was solved, and the school survived. In addition, with the establishment of elementary and high schools for girls by Salami, women's education was strengthened in Bushehr. Shaukat Salami was an educated and knowledgeable woman of Bushehr who was involved in developing women's education. He worked hard to improve the education of girls in Bushehr, and after his retirement, he went to Shiraz. He died in 1348 after enduring a period of illness. Nourafshan, a newspaper published by Shaukat Salami in Bushehr, attracted the attention of Iranian women's cultural circles. After the murder of his wife, the publication of Nourafshan was closed, but with the cooperation of Seyyed Ali Behbahani, it was republished, and finally, facing the warning of the Ministry of Education, Shaukat Salami was issued permission to publish it in 1322. The Ministry of Culture, General Directorate of Writing, approved the Nourafshan newspaper Bushehr to be published under the editorship of Mrs. Shaukat Salami. Its content included local news, advertisements, and scientific and historical materials. The newspaper also published government announcements and scientific articles. However, there is no complete archive of this newspaper, and only three issues are accessible in the National Library and Tehran Document Center archives. Other issues are not found in other archives. Conclusion Shaukat Salami is among the pioneering Iranian women to have overseen a newspaper publication in Fars following the constitutional revolution and during the initial Pahlavi era. Beyond her involvement in journalism, Shaukat Salami was a prominent advocate for girls' education and literacy. She achieved a significant milestone by establishing the first modern-style girls' school in Bushehr. Subsequently, she embarked on the groundbreaking venture of launching the Nourafshan newspaper, marking a watershed moment in women's journalism in Fars. Despite being commonly characterized as right wing and conservative in her political leanings, her enduring legacy of establishing a school for girls and championing women's literacy underscores her intellect and erudition. Shaukat Salami understood the pivotal role of fostering female literacy as the initial stride in liberating women from ignorance. Therefore, her establishment of a girls' school heralded a new era of literacy in Bushehr. پس از انقلاب مشروطه، به تأسی از زنان پایتخت، زنان سایر ایالات نیز قدم به عرصۀ فعالیتهای اجتماعی نهادند و به تأسیس مدارس و راهاندازی انجمنها و روزنامهها پرداختند. زنان ایالت فارس و شهر بوشهر نیز که در عصر پهلوی یکی از شهرستانهای ایالت فارس محسوب میشد، به پیروی از زنان سایر مناطق ایران، به این عرصه قدم نهادند. پژوهش حاضر با اتکا به رویکرد توصیفی و تحلیلی و با استفاده از منابع آرشیوی و کتابخانهای درصدد پاسخگویی به این پرسش است که نخستین تجربۀ روزنامهنگاری زنان در ایالت فارس چگونه بود و چه کسی یا کسانی در این امر نقش داشتند. براساس یافتههای تحقیق، شوکت سلامی، از زنان پیشرو و تحصیلکردۀ ساکن بوشهر، ابتدا به کمک بزرگان و تجار برجستۀ شهر نخستین مدرسۀ دخترانه را در بوشهر تأسیس کرد و سپس با هدف احقاق حقوق زنان و مشارکت آنها در امور سیاسی و اجتماعی، روزنامۀ نورافشان را منتشر نمود. خطمشی این روزنامه راستگرا بود، اما در تمامی شمارههای خود با انتشار مقالاتی به طرح مطالبات زنان پرداخت.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_103982_b0da93571bec6feab2e2964806d82c4d.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 An Analysis of the Challenge to the Legitimacy of Ashraf Afghan’s Government تحلیل چالش مشروعیت‌خواهی حکومت اشرف افغان 225 246 104208 10.48308/irhj.2023.233069.1261 FA سیدمحمود سادات بیدگلی استادیار تاریخ گروه تاریخ انقلاب اسلامی پژوهشکدة امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2023 09 10 Abstract The legitimacy of the Safavids was widespread to the extent that hardly anyone believed that they could be replaced as kings of Iran. The long shadow of the Safavid dynasty persisted even for years after its demise insofar as the main problem of Ashraf Afghan's government was its lack of legitimacy. Accordingly, all his efforts were devoted to solving this problem. This article attempts to examine the reasons for Ashraf Afghan’s lack of legitimacy, his solutions and the degree of his success based on a descriptive-analytical method and using primary archival sources. The findings show that the shadow of Safavid legitimacy weighed on Ashraf Afghan’s government, forcing him to use various means to gain legitimacy. These included issuing letters of amnesty, confirming the deed of endowment for Shiite holy sites, minting coins with legends that would not provoke his Shiite subjects, marrying into the legitimate royal family (Safavids) and being recognized by the Ottoman and Russian empires. However, these acts could not help Ashraf Afghan and his Shiite subjects did not support him in the face of Nader’s invasion, which put an end to his rule. Introduction With the accession of Shah Ismail I in 907 AH/1502 AD and the officialization of the Twelver Imam Shi'ism, a government was established in Iran that ruled for 220 years. The economic boom and the consolidation of the foundations of the government on the two foundations of Sufism and Shiism caused this government to gain such legitimacy that few thought that anyone other than the Safavid dynasty could rule this country. The heavy shadow of Safavid rule was widespread for years after its extinction; in such a way, that Nader, who sat on the throne by the strength of his sword, was forced to form the Mughan Plain Council, and Karim Khan Zand did not call himself the king, but called himself the representative of the subjects. The Safavid government was overthrown by some of its subjects who were Sunnis. Ashraf Afghan took measures to legitimize his government, which is discussed in this research. This article seeks to answer the question of what was the main challenge of the Ashraf Afghan government and what measures did he take to solve it, in a historical way and by using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on archival documents and original sources. Did the actions lead to success? No research work was found that dealt with this issue according to this approach and using original documents and sources. Only Javad Mousavi Dalini, in his article [1], has analyzed the change in the themes of the coins after the Afghans of Gholzai came to power. His emphasis is on the change of Shia rituals to Sunni concepts, and he has not mentioned the lack of legitimacy of the Afghan government, which is the subject of this research. This unique research approach promises to shed new light on this historical period. Materials and Methods This research article aims to tackle the Ashraf Afghan government's major challenge and provide a detailed examination of the historical measures implemented to address this challenge. The approach involves a descriptive-analytical method that heavily relies on archival documents and sources. The study also aims to assess the effectiveness of the government's actions in dealing with the identified challenge. It is important to note that more existing literature is needed to utilize this method and draw on original sources to explore this issue. Although Javad Mousavi Dalini's article offers an analysis of the transformation of coin themes following the Afghan Gholzai's rise to power, with a focus on the shift from Shia rituals to Sunni concepts, it does not discuss the issue of the Afghan government's legitimacy, which is the central theme of this research. Results and Discussion The main problem of Ashraf Afghan to sit on the Safavid throne was the illegitimacy of his government. Ashraf knew that until he could solve this problem, he would not be able to win over his rivals and sit on the throne. During his rule, 18 people claimed the throne of Iran. It was natural for people with any relationship with the Safavid dynasty to claim the throne. One of these people, Seyyed Ahmad Khan, was the granddaughter of Shah Suleiman, who captured areas of Fars and Kerman and minted coins in his name but was defeated and killed. Ashraf's first move to legitimize his rule was to force the deposed king to put the royal crown on his head. This act is reminiscent of the inscriptions of the Sassanid kings who took the Kiani crown from Ahura Mazda (the source of legitimacy). Of course, Ashraf could not implement the policy of seeking legitimacy from the Safavids because he relied on the Afghan and Sunni forces and had to respect their side. One of those who was the mentor of Mushir and Mushar Ashraf, Mullah Saffron, was a fanatical Sunni cleric. As soon as Mullah Saffron arrived in Isfahan, he issued a fatwa that "Isfahanis and all the people of Iran are rafidis and disbelievers." In some cases, the victims were beaten and flogged in the presence of Mullah Saffron so much that they died or lay in bed for many days. The crisis of legitimacy in Afghanistan arose from the sitting of Ashraf Afghan on the Safavid throne. He realized that without solving this problem, he could not beat his competitors. During the reign of Ashraf, 18 people claimed the throne of Iran. His problem was that he had to prove the legitimacy of his government. He took steps to legitimize it but faced obstacles. Mullah Saffron, Ashraf's principal adviser, strongly opposed his policies. These issues caused Ashraf to fail to obtain the necessary legitimacy for his government. Qutbuddin Mohammad Nirizi, a Safavid scholar and Sufi, examines the relationship between the legitimacy of the Safavid government and religious nobility. He advises Shah Sultan Hossein to make peace with another sect to save the lives of Muslims and prevent famine and drought. Ashraf has maintained the legitimacy of his government by taking measures such as issuing a letter of trust and paying attention to the votes and needs of his subjects. He justifies the subjects to obey this Safavid dynasty. These methods have caused the Safavids to enjoy more legitimacy and continue their rule. Barya Cafe is the residence of merchants and different people of Isfahan, which has been a part of Isfahan's Sultanate for the entire duration of this city's establishment. This palace, the center of Iran's government, had a basis for obedience and respect for its subjects. The decree issued by Ashraf showed this obedience, respect, and called the people of Isfahan to serve as trustees for the legitimacy of his government. This decree had a typical seal in the form of a crown, which showed Ashraf's simplicity and trusting spirit. Most of these seals contain poems with religious themes, such as seals that refer to Ali and his family or sentences such as "the servant of Shah Wilayat Abbas." The Shah Abbas I of Safavid's seal dates back to 1012 AD. The insignia of the seals of the Safavid kings has been the focus of Chardin, who refers to them as the subject of their pride and honor, as the descendants and descendants of the Imams. Conclusion The historical research indicates that the Safavid government's legitimacy cast a significant shadow over the Ashraf Afghan government. Ashraf Afghan was compelled to seek legitimacy through various means, as it posed the primary challenge for his government, driving all his actions. These measures included extending trust to the people of Isfahan, establishing endowments for places revered by Shia subjects, minting coins bearing a seal sensitive to the beliefs of Shia subjects, forging a marital alliance with the Safavid family, and seeking recognition from the Ottoman and Russian governments. However, the findings of this research reveal that these efforts failed to aid Ashraf, leading to his inability to rally Shia subjects to his cause, which ultimately left him vulnerable to Nader Shah's army. Nader's assaults further complicated Ashraf's rule, ultimately undermining his government. حکومت صفوی از چنان مشروعیتی در میان مردم برخوردار بود که کمتر کسی فکر می‌کرد کسی جز دودمان صفوی بتواند بر ملک ایران حکمروایی کند. سایۀ سنگین حکومت صفوی تا سال‌ها بعد از انقراض آن هم گسترده بود. چنانکه مشکل اصلی اشرف افغان عدم مشروعیت حکومتش از سوی مردم بود و همۀ اقدامات او در جهت حل این مشکل بود. این مقاله با روش تاریخی و با استفاده از شیوۀ توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با تکیه بر اسناد و مدارک آرشیوی و منابع اصلی به دنبال پاسخگویی به این پرسش است که چالش مشروعیتخواهی اشرف افغان چه بود و وی برای رفع آن چه اقداماتی کرد و آیا این اقدامات قرین موفقیت گشت. یافتههای این مقاله نشان میدهد سایۀ مشروعیت حکومت صفوی بر حکومت اشرف افغان سنگینی میکرد و او مجبور بود به طرق مختلف به کسب مشروعیت بپردازد. صدور اماننامه به اهالی اصفهان، تثبیت وقف‌نامۀ اماکن مورد احترام رعایای شیعه، ضرب سکه با سجع مهری که حساسیت رعایای شیعه را تحریک نکند، ایجاد رابطۀ زوجیت با منبع مشروعیت یعنی خاندان صفوی و و سرانجام کسب مشروعیت از طریق شناساندن حکومتش به دولت عثمانی و حکومت روسیه از جملۀ این اقدامات بود. اما این اقدامات نتوانست به اشرف کمکی کند و عدم همراهی رعایای شیعه با او باعث شد که وی نتواند از پس لشکر نادرشاه برآید و طومار حکومتش با حملات نادر درهم پیچیده شود.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104208_6ec708335ed8e0a1b417202f19277ac8.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 16 2 2023 08 23 Transformation of Iranian Social Customs during the Qajar Period (A Case Study of the New Style of Handshake) دگرگونی در آداب و رسوم معاشرتی ایرانیان در دوره قاجار (مطالعه موردی؛ دست دادن به سبک جدید) 247 264 103983 10.48308/irhj.2023.233109.1262 FA رضا بیگدلو استادیار گروه اجتماعی، پژوهشگاه علوم انتظامی و مطالعات اجتماعی، تهران، ایران زینب احمدوند گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه ارومیه، ارومیه، ایران. Journal Article 2023 09 12 Abstract The arrival of modernity and the new European culture in Iranian society had an impact on political, social and cultural structures and caused these structures to undergo certain changes. A large part of these changes affected the social and cultural sphere, especially the lifestyle and etiquette of Iranian society. One of the customs that went through change was the greeting, especially the tradition of shaking hands. This article aims to investigate the arrival, acceptance and significance of the new handshake as a sign of the modern and Western (so-called Farangi) style of greeting and human interaction using the descriptive-analytical method. The results show that following cultural interactions with Europeans and the spread of Western culture and customs, the Western-style handshake became popular in Iran from the Naserid period onward and the nature of the manner of handshake and its conceptual and semantic implications changed significantly. In this new way, the handshake became a common practice and it transformed from an etiquette reserved for special occasions and individuals into a wide-ranging social practice. Introduction The human hand is an essential part of symbolization. Hands represent human inner feelings more than the face and other body parts. Today, handshake has become a symbol of social etiquette and the exchange of human feelings in society. In many cases, the way of shaking hands represents the class status, mutual feelings, lifestyle, and individual and social attitudes of people. Handshake is an evolved form of non-verbal human communication that has become a universal symbol in cultural, social, political, and economic interactions with the expansion of communication. A handshake is a physical gesture/movement and symbol that carries cultural layers, meanings, and concepts without which many individual, social, and political situations cannot be understood. Although some cultures still resist the generalization of shaking hands for greetings and goodbyes, other signs and shaking hands can have different meanings depending on the location and cultural conditions. It has become an everyday physical movement at the level of global culture. In addition, shaking hands in the social arena has become a concept and a symbol for conveying feelings and attitudes, as well as showing the equality or inequality of social status and class base. In addition, shaking hands has become a very effective and meaningful symbol in politics and diplomacy. Our meeting and contact with others starts with a handshake, and every conversation ends with a handshake. In social terms, shaking hands is also called a small hug. People greet each other, communicate, and say goodbye by shaking hands. Shaking hands is a form of expressing love and intimacy. In a handshake, our feelings, such as interest or indifference, discomfort, self-confidence, etc., are easily transferred to another person. During the COVID-19 epidemic, in addition to human health and well-being, social etiquette and greeting customs, and more precisely, the culture of shaking hands, also suffered a crisis. With this crisis, we realized how much the custom of shaking hands among humans has become familiar every day and how much our socializing has become dependent on it. At the height of the coronavirus epidemic, it was even suggested that the end of this custom had come, but immediately after the disease subsided, handshakes became popular again in socializing, which shows how much this way of greeting has many cultural implications. It is social and political, and without them, the possibility of these meanings and concepts will decrease or disappear. Today, in most countries, the custom of shaking hands is considered the most important and obvious way and action of socializing and interacting, and it has the most use, meaning, and meaning. The modern way of shaking hands is that two hands are clasped together and shaken. In most English-speaking countries and other countries, this symbol is used when saying hello and goodbye, as well as in many other cases.[3] Turning the custom of shaking hands into an essential and widely used symbol with various concepts and meanings is a modern phenomenon. The customs of meeting and greeting, including shaking hands, as an important cultural symbol, can become one of the subjects of study in cultural history. Considering the importance and major implications of shaking hands in today's life, the transformation of this symbol can be interpreted as a kind of evolution in the whole lifestyle. In Iran, shaking hands has a long history, and shaking hands as a religious ritual has a certain value and place in Iranian culture. The research question is to determine the time which shaking hands, as a way of greeting and socializing, became a common practice and its social implications. This historical and cultural exploration of shaking hands in Iran is sure to pique the curiosity of the audience. Materials And Methods In cultural history, the symbolic study of culture has a special place. In this approach, cultural insights started from Taylor's comprehensive understanding of culture, which laid the foundation for the interpretive and symbolic views of culture. Taylor's understanding of culture as a system of meaning or meaningful symbols has been instrumental in shaping cultural history as the history of knowing these meanings. These symbols exist consciously or unconsciously everywhere, from art to everyday life. In this way, it seems that the common point of cultural historians is that all of them deal with the symbolic matter and the interpretation of the symbolic matter. Based on this view, Clifford Geertz defines culture as "the historical pattern of meaning that is embodied in the form of symbols and is a system of inherited perceptions that are expressed in symbolic forms and through which people communicate with each other and their knowledge and attitudes or attitudes In the case of life, they continue or expand." Geertz's fame is due to his special approach to culture and the way he conveys it with a special methodology: From my perspective, culture is a semantic concept. I align with Weber's belief that humans are creatures entangled in the webs of meaning they themselves create. These webs, I argue, are culture, and their analysis cannot be reduced to an empirical science seeking laws. Instead, it requires an interpretive science that delves into the layers of meaning. In order to explain how the act of shaking hands spreads and becomes universal in people's meetings and exchange of meanings and feelings, the approach of Diffusionism seems to be more capable. Diffusionism is a theoretical framework that suggests that culture, including moods, morals, and social etiquettes, evolves through diffusion and transmission from one society to another. Therefore, by moving a national and civilizational unit to another geographical and national area, a part of their spirits and moods are also transferred. The cultural-behavioral changes and newly emerging moods of social groups in Iran in recent centuries can be explained according to the diffusion theory: How with the development of commerce, traffic and communication that began in the 19th century, the way of thinking and the spirit of Iranians changed in the new era and continued in wider, deeper and more complex dimensions. The central point of departure of this theory is to reflect on cultural changes on the one hand and pay attention to cultural similarities on the other hand. In other words, the basic question is why do cultural phenomena change and how do they change? Diffusionism generally considers change as a result of being influenced by the external environment, which brings the phenomena of the source culture to the destination environment through contiguity or transmission. Diffusionists believe less in the ability of cultures to discover, innovate, and emphasize more their ability to imitate and adopt culture. Therefore, before going to the laws of birth and internal development of cultural phenomena, they are looking for the laws of movement and temporal-spatial displacement of these phenomena. History and geography are very important aspects of the diffusionist approach. On the one hand, the phenomena are moving in the geographical area and on the other hand, they are located on the axis of time, in which case the movement is determined through dating and determining the life of the phenomena. Diffusionism, by emphasizing the limitation of innovations, considers the contact and coexistence of cultures as the reason for cultural change. In other words, in diffusionism, less attention is paid to the factor of creativity and the cultural diversity of societies, and more imitation of individuals and societies is considered. Results and Discussion In Iranian culture, shaking hands was standard on special occasions and situations, but it was not expected and unfamiliar in meetings, greetings, and other cases. In historical writings, Iranians do not shake hands at parties and meetings. For example, Chardin describes the customs of greetings and parties of Iranians in the Safavid era in full detail, but he does not mention shaking hands during meetings and parties. He writes about the customs of visiting Iranians: When meeting and welcoming people of the same class or those with a superior character and base, they give more compliments and respect. When they enter, they greet them and do not sit in front of them, and when the assembly ends, they go out the door after all. When someone goes to visit a great person who is sitting in the hall of his house, it is customary to enter the room quietly and silently, stand up in the first empty place, put his legs together, stand with his hands on his chest, lowers his head a little, looks at the observer and permits him to sit, and as soon as he gives him permission to sit with his hand and head It is given and sits. However, if an older person goes to see someone, the house owner gets up as soon as he sees him, walks towards him, and pretends he has moved on. When the people of the same rank arrive, the owner of the house gets up, and if someone worthy of respect enters him, he moves from his place and looks as if he is going to get up. Those in the assembly should only get up when someone enters the hall if the house owner gets up out of respect for him or if a particular reason requires them to get up. According to Polak's report, it was not usual to shake hands during the Nowruz meeting, a significant event in the Iranian calendar, and handing over the year in the court. The Shah did not shake hands with anyone. Those present at the greeting ceremony, who were mostly nobles, dignitaries, and dignitaries, received their hands and then pressed their hands to their hearts and foreheads as a sign of gratitude. Despite this, some sources from the Qajar era talk about the Iranians shaking hands on Nowruz Eid. Naser al-Din Shah writes in his memoirs: "Then we went to the door of Shams-ul-Amara; Amin-ul-Sultan was there. We talked. Then we watched the alley. People wearing new clothes used to shake hands with each other." Polak writes in his description of the Nowruz ceremony of the Nasrid era Iranians: In Nowruz, considered a significant public celebration for the whole nation, the crowd is bustling in all the streets and public squares from very early in the morning. Everyone has new clothes. Acquaintances who face each other shake each other's hands and hug each other with the cry of "Eid Mubarak." A subordinate person congratulates while holding one hand of his master or patron with his two hands and gets the answer of his congratulations. From the point of view of diffusionism, the reign of Naser al-Din Shah was the era of unprecedented influence and spread of the manifestations and culture of Western civilization compared to the past years and decades. Undoubtedly, the Shah's travels to Europe were influential in this regard. The Shah himself used a lot of courage to bring modernity to the country. His reign saw the spread of clothes and uniforms, tables and chairs, sweets, Farangi food and drinks, the creation of industries and factories, the spread of Farangi sciences, electric lights, sports and Farangi dances, the publication of newspapers and books and many other things are actually signs of stepping on the path. It was modernization and traditionalism. Therefore, the French civilization was not only through the construction of factories and sports and eating, but intellectually and culturally also by establishing a forget house, publishing newspapers and new sciences, building western schools such as Dar al-Funun and the new system, creating Dar al-Shuri, a bank, the Kazakh brigade, the police and etc. gradually infiltrated the political, military, social, civil and cultural structure of Iran. This era also saw the influence of Farang's contributions to culture and social behavior, as noted in the writings of Etimad al-Saltanh. If Etimadul-Saltaneh is concerned about the consequences: "Frangipani has weakened the opinions and I don't know if this is good or bad for the nation and government of Iran." Shaking hands in diplomatic meetings seemed very common during the late Qajar period. Abdullah Mostofi writes in the description of his trip to England: As soon as we got back to the hotel, General Slade told the Ambassador that a special message from His Majesty the King would arrive for His Excellency. Its bearer is Lord Chamblan (the king's butler). We had just taken off our official clothes and changed into ordinary clothes. We gathered in the public hall of the embassy when the very tall and elegant young Lord Chamberlain entered. Mushir al-Mulk stood up and stood in front of the Shah's messenger; they shook hands and sat together; we stood and formed a circle around them. Conclusion One of the important tasks of cultural history is the study of rapid and increasing socio-cultural changes, and historians, sociologists, and anthropologists examine these changes over time and in a historical manner. One of these cases, which has become an important symbol for socializing and exchanging human feelings in Iranian society with changes in the way and semantic implications and scope of repetition, is shaking hands. This research was conducted to answer the question: When did shaking hands as a symbol of greetings and human interactions of Iranians in a modern way come up, and what implications did it bring? The research results, by referring to the historical, literary, and personal texts of Iranians, show that shaking hands in the pre-modern era of Iranians was an action with special conceptual implications. Shaking hands or shaking hands was considered a symbol of love and affection, respect, agreement, and farewell, but this action on special and important occasions was mainly elite and was not seen as a common thing with much repetition. Following the cultural interactions with the Europeans and the spread of Western culture and lifestyle, handshakes from the Naseri era became popular in Iran as a style and rule of the Farangi. This act was gradually seen among the government elites and then among the general public and significant changes occurred in the way and quality of shaking hands and its conceptual and semantic implications. In the new meaning and action, shaking hands has become common and reached a more general social level from special situations and persons. Before that, both hands were used to shake hands, but at this time, only the right hand was used. The scope of its specific and limited meanings expanded a lot and covered a wide range of meanings and concepts. This action showed that society's hierarchical structure is changing, and the distance between ranks and classes has worn out from a social and mental point of view. The symbol of shaking hands was actually an indicator of modernization, Europeanization, modernization, or, in the conventional term, becoming “Frangima’ab” of people who wanted to show that they had left the traditional world and entered the modern world. In fact, this European symbol was the vanguard of a new cultural current in Iranian society, which was able to create a gap in the relatively integrated traditional cultural current, a gap that has divided the society into two major Western and traditional currents until today. ورود مدرنیته و فرهنگ نوین اروپایی به جامعۀ ایرانی در ساختارهای سیاسی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی تأثیراتی بر جای گذاشت و این ساختارها را دستخوش تغییر و دگرگونی کرد. بخش بزرگی از این تغییرات در حوزه‌های اجتماعی و فرهنگی و به‌ویژه در سبک زندگی و آداب ‌و رسوم معاشرتی جامعۀ ایرانی روی داد. یکی از این وجوه آداب احوال‌پرسی و به‌ویژه نماد دست دادن بود. این پژوهش با استفاده از روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی بر آن است به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که دست دادن به عنوان نمادی از احوال‌پرسی و تعاملات انسانی به شیوۀ مدرن و «سبک فرنگی» از چه زمانی در جامعۀ ایرانی رواج یافت و چه دلالت‌هایی را به همراه آورد؟ یافته‌های پژوهش حاضر نشان می‌دهد که به دنبال تعاملات فرهنگی با اروپاییان و رواج فرهنگ و آداب غربی، دست دادن به سبک فرنگی از عهد ناصری در ایران رایج گردید و در شیوه و کیفیت دست دادن و دلالت‌های مفهومی و معنایی آن دگرگونی‌های مهمی رخ داد. در مفهوم جدید، دست دادن به کنشی عام تبدیل شد و از موقعیتها و اشخاص و مناسبت‌های خاص به سطح اجتماعی عام‌تری راه یافت.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_103983_aedfdffdad637e3c62f7d8e80e7b06ea.pdf