دانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922Fadaeian Khalqh Guerrillas, the National Question and Rebellion of Gonbad and Kurdistanچریکهای فدائی خلق، مسالۀ ملی و غائلۀ گنبد وکردستان13010498010.48308/irhj.2024.104980FAمحسنسراجاستادیار گروه تاریخ، پژوهشکده امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-0935-8178انسیهباصریکارشناسی ارشد رشته تاریخ انقلاب، پژوهشکده امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20240320The main problem of this research is to know the role of the concept of "national Question" in the thought of the leaders of Guerrillas Fadaei Khalgh Organization in the presence and action of this organization in Gonbad and Kurdistan’s Rebellion and the effort has been that this problem is based on the method of internal and empathetic understanding of the motivations and actions of the organization in these two Rebellions and with an emphasis on understanding the concept of "national Question" in the thought of the International Communist Front and its deposition in the thought and struggle policy of the Iran's left groups and parties, especially the Guerrillas Fadaei Khalgh Organization, should be analyzed and why their presence in these rebellions with a separatist background can be explained with an inner understanding of their theoretical thoughts.
The hypothesis of this research is also based on the principle that the main motivation and model of action of the Guerrillas Fadaei Khalgh organization in Gonbad and Kurdistan is based on the doctrine of solving the "national Question" in the global leftist thought, in the “Multi-national” countries and the organization is based on this doctrine that “the way Achieving the complete liberation of the peoples requires the solution of the "national Question", entered and played a role in the struggle of Gonbad and Kurdistan.
The Result of This Research Shows that this Organization, which Failed to Get a Proper Share of Political Power After Overthrowing the Pahlavi Government, Saw the Sedition of Gonbad and Kurdistan as a Golden Opportunity to Achieve Political Power by Creating Autonomy in These Regions and in this Way, the Reflection of Lenin-Stalin's Views on the "National Question" has been the Main Ideology and Road Map in the Operation of This Organization in the Sedition of Gonbad and Kurdistan.
<strong>Introduction</strong>:
Marxist-socialist ideas and definitions of “nationality” and “national identity” were one of these famous approaches to the issue of "national identity" and "nation-state" in the contemporary history of the world, With the help of processing the concept of "national question" in the thought of the global Marxist, it was also entered into the intellectual system of Iranian political activists. The entrance of the concept of the “national question” in the political and cultural literature of Iran began with the Communist Party of Iran and was followed by the Tudeh Party.
These two Iranian Marxist parties, based on the teachings of the global left front and the “Internationale” concept, pursued the solution of the national problem in Iran and, in their opinion, the liberation of the people from the national and religious chauvinism that was imposed on them by the oppressive governments. Their heritage in this matter reached other later Marxist groups, such as the Fadaeian Khalqh Guerrillas organization, to make this issue one of the main pillars of their fighting strategy in the Sedition of Gonbad and Kurdistan.
According to the investigations carried out to date, the independent research which has been carried out from the perspective of the internal discourse and in accordance with the analysis of the "national question" concept to investigate and analyze the presence of the Fadaeian Khalqh Guerrillas organization in rebellion of Gonbad and Kurdistan after the victory of the revolution, Has not been And the researches that have been carried out on this subject up to now have mostly focused on the description of this presence, under the historiography of the events of these two rebellions.
In his book (2019), Khaje-nejad only mentioned the incidents of the Turkmen Sahara and the two Gonbad wars and their contexts and in the research which published by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (1980) the issue of conflicts in Kurdistan after the revolution was also discussed. In this work, no effort has been made to investigate the goals and motives of the Fadaeian Khalqh Guerrillas in their widespread presence in Kurdistan rebellions After the Islamic revolution. Mahmoud Naderi in his books (2008 and 2012) has only examined the political currents in line with the organization in the majority of Kurdistan with a historical perspective.
The innovation of this research in examining the causes and reasons and analyzing the organization's presence in the two mentioned events based on the concept of the national question and an internal understanding of the organization's action is not seen in any of those researches.
<strong>Methodology</strong>:
The main problem of this research is to know the role of the concept of "national Question" in the thought of the leaders of Guerrillas Fadaei Khalgh Organization in the presence and action of this organization in Gonbad and Kurdistan’s Rebellion and the effort has been that this problem is based on the method of internal and empathetic understanding of the motivations and actions of the organization in these two Rebellions and with an emphasis on understanding the concept of "national Question" in the thought of the International Communist Front and its deposition in the thought and struggle policy of the Iran's left groups and parties, especially the Guerrillas Fadaei Khalgh Organization, should be analyzed and why their presence in these rebellions with a separatist background can be explained with an inner understanding of their theoretical thoughts.
The hypothesis of this research is also based on the principle that the main motivation and model of action of the Guerrillas Fadaei Khalgh organization in Gonbad and Kurdistan is based on the doctrine of solving the "national Question" in the global leftist thought, in the “Multi-national” countries and the organization is based on this doctrine that “the way Achieving the complete liberation of the peoples requires the solution of the "national Question", entered and played a role in the struggle of Gonbad and Kurdistan.
<strong>Result and Discussion:</strong>
The Result of This Research Shows that this Organization, which Failed to Get a Proper Share of Political Power After Overthrowing the Pahlavi Government, Saw the Sedition of Gonbad and Kurdistan as a Golden Opportunity to Achieve Political Power by Creating Autonomy in These Regions and in this Way, the Reflection of Lenin-Stalin's Views on the "National Question" has been the Main Ideology and Road Map in the Operation of This Organization in the Sedition of Gonbad and Kurdistan.
The Guerrillas Fadaei Khalgh Organization, which inherited the discussion of "national independence" and "the right to self-determination" by ethnic groups, or as they call it, "nations" from the expansion of the Internationale concept, in the political doctrine and struggles of international communism and its predecessor's communist parties in Iran, stabilized this concept in the political atmosphere of Iran and by taking advantage of the plan presented by Lenin and Stalin, means, "the right to self-determination up to the border of separatism", they entered into political and campaigning activities in the events of Gonbad and Kurdistan after the victory of the Islamic Revolution.
By introducing concepts such as national and international question into two internal rebellions with ethnic and separatist plot, the Fadaei Khalgh Organization In addition to providing theoretical fodder for these movements, in the light of these events, it was able to gain a basis for seeking a share of power and political sovereignty in Iran after the victory of the revolution which, according to them, had given them neither a share of political power nor a share of their ideals. Finally, due to the widespread opposition of the revolutionary forces that also had popular support, the organization could not achieve its final goals in these two conflicts.
In this article, we tried to understand and narrate the actions of the Fadaei Khalgh Organization with the help of an internal understanding of their ideas and doctrine for the liberation of the peoples in the two provinces of Kurdistan and Gonbad and for this purpose, let's not criticize and judge their actions from the perspective of criteria different from their thoughts.
<strong>Conclusions</strong>:
Emphasis on the Iranian element and the common land throughout the history of this country has been an important factor for social bonding and also strengthening the foundation of Iranian national identity and despite the numerous attacks on Iran's political borders in different historical periods and the formation of different governments, the Iranian identity has not been damaged and has continued to exist.
However, in the contemporary historical era, the formation of modern concepts such as "nationalism" and "nation-state", which were the result of historical developments in the modern world, caused some parties and groups inside Iran without paying attention to the history and culture of Iranian society and historical patterns of unity, tried to highlight the "national question" in Iran according to its foreign models and seek a solution for it. in the meantime, Marxist-socialist ideas and definitions of nationality and national identity are also one of these approaches that, with the efforts of various internal Marxist groups and with the help of processing the concept of "national question" in global Marxist thought, redefine national identity and its relationship with the others entered the intellectual system of Iranian political activists and it caused the Iranian Marxist organizations and parties, ignoring the unifying historical patterns of the country, to pursue patterns unrelated to the social and cultural life of the country and different from the lived and historical experience of the different ethnic groups that together built the country of Iran and lived in it, make a political and cultural policy that, in addition to not having any results in solving people's problems and providing a better life for them has also caused great losses to the country, division and civil war, and the destructive effects caused by it are still a chronic problem in the way of this country’s development.مصالح اصلی این پژوهش شناخت نقش مفهوم «مسئله ملی» در اندیشه رهبران سازمان چریکهای فدایی خلق در حضور و کنش این سازمان در غائله گنبد و کردستان است و تلاش بر آن است که این مصالح را بر اساس روش فهم درونی و همدلانه از انگیزهها و کنش سازمان در این دو غائله و با تأکید بر درک مفهوم «مسئلۀ ملی» در اندیشه جبهه کمونیسم بینالملل و رسوب آن در اندیشه و مشی مبارزاتی گروهها و احزاب چپ ایرانی بهخصوص سازمان چریکهای فدایی خلق، تحلیل کند؛ و چرایی حضور ایشان در دو غائله مرزی با پیرنگی جداییطلبانه با فهمی درونی از اندیشههای تئوریک ایشان را تبیین نماید. فرضیه پژوهش بر این اصل استوار شده است که انگیزه و الگوی اصلی عمل سازمان چریکهای فدایی خلق در دو غائله گنبد و کردستان بر پایه آموزه حل «مسئله ملی» در اندیشه چپ جهانی، در کشورهای «کثیرالمله» بوده و سازمان بر اساس این راهبرد که راه رسیدن به رهایی کامل خلقها از حل «مسئله ملی» میگذرد، به کارزار گنبد و کردستان وارد شده و ایفای نقش نمود.
یافتههای پژوهش حاکی از آن است که سازمان چریکهای فدایی خلق که خود را در گرفتن سهم مناسبی از قدرت سیاسی پس از ساقط کردن حکومت پهلوی ناکام میدیدند، غائله کردستان و گنبد را بهمثابه فرصتی طلایی در جهت رسیدن به قدرت سیاسی با ایجاد خودمختاری در این مناطق یافته و در این راه بازتاب نظریات لنین ـ استالین در مورد «مسئله ملی» بهعنوان اصلیترین ایدئولوژی و نقشۀ راه در عملکرد سازمان در غائله کردستان و گنبد بوده است.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104980_e3cd4a693c0095c44acbc26761b75629.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922The Commercial Results of the Relations between the Rulers of Kerman and the Local Rulers of the Persian Gulf during the 5th and 6th Centuries AHنتایج تجاری مناسبات حکّام کرمان و اُمرای محلّی خلیج فارس طی قرون 5 و 6 هجری قمری315410488910.48308/irhj.2024.234712.1299FAجمشیدروستادانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید باهنر کرمان، کرمان، ایران.الهاممحمدی بادیزیکارشناس ارشد تاریخ ایران دوه اسلامی دانشگاه شهید باهنر کرمان، کرمان، ایران.Journal Article20240205With the formation of the Saljuq government of Kerman during the 5th century AH, and especially since the Saljuq king Turanshah; Gradually, an important transformation took place in the economic structure of the southern regions of Iran and the trade between the ports and islands of the Persian Gulf with other commercial centers outside the borders of Iran, such as the ports of the subcontinent of India and China. Therefore, the present article, using the historical method and using library studies, aims to analyze the results of the relations between the Saljuq rulers and the local Rulers of the Persian Gulf on the trade situation in the southern regions of Iran. The findings of the research indicate that the support of the Saljuqs of Kerman.to the kings of Bani Qaisar of Kish not only strengthened their political power, but also caused this island to become more and more prosperous and replace Siraf.<br /><br /><strong>Introduction </strong><br /><br />Commercial centers in the Saljuq era are cities, ports and islands that were both directly controlled and commanded by the Saljuq ruler in Kerman, or because of the authority of this dynasty, the rulers of the ports and islands of the Persian Gulf were forced to obey. In both cases, many revenues flowed to the court of this government. Among them, the share of ports and islands such as Bandar Tiz, Old Hormuz and Kish Island, which were under the control of this family, is very important. Therefore, the main question of the current research is: What was the role of the Saljuqs of Kerman in the commercial prosperity or stagnation of the Persian Gulf (especially Kish Island) and the trade route between the islands and ports of this waterway with the commercial centers in Kerman and the Indo-Chinese subcontinent. how was it What necessitated the writing of this article is, on the one hand, addressing a neglected issue, namely the political-economic impact of the Saljuq rule of Kerman on the commercial prosperity or stagnation of the Persian Gulf during the fifth and sixth centuries, and on the other hand, examining the actions of King Turanshah and King Arslanshah I of Saljuq in The relationship with the rulers of the islands and ports of this bay is similar to the kings of Bani Qaisar (princes of Kish).<br /><br /><strong>Methodology </strong><br /><br />In the present research, the research method is the historical method with descriptive and analytical approach. The materials extracted from the first-hand sources and new researches are organized according to the type of subject and chronological sequence, and then the data of the sources and sources are evaluated based on historical criteria and the authenticity of the materials based on preference to documents or the reliability of the narrator. In the end, by using the law of conformity and the rule of rational preference, the opinions of historians and researchers are criticized, and the content is written while presenting new opinions.<br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Result and Discussion </strong><br /><br />The support of the Saljuqs of Kerman to the kings of Bani Qaisar not only provided the means to consolidate their political power, but also caused this island to become more and more prosperous and gain the former position of Siraf. Countless commercial goods were brought to Kish from all over the world that day and were exchanged between merchants and tradesmen. Based on the materials provided by the local chronicles of Kerman and especially the works of the famous historian, Afzal al-ddin Abu Hamid Kermani, and mentioned in the text; The Indian subcontinent is one of the regions where most commercial goods are exchanged between its ports and islands and ports such as Kish and Tiz. With the control of the Saljuqs of Kerman over the port of Tiz and the island of Kish, a new route was found for the exchange of commercial goods within the territory of the Saljuqs of Kerman with the Persian Gulf, and many goods came from this route and through the commercial centers of Kerman such as Narmashir, Bam, Khabis, Bardsir, Kohbanan, etc. were exchanged. As a result of the increasing efforts of the Saljuqs of Kerman, the area of Qomadin in Jiroft had turned into one of the international merchants of that day, and according to the local chronicles of Kerman, traders and merchants of many different nations, including Indians, Chinese, and Egyptians, Abyssinians, Armenians and Zanzibars bought Business room and were engaged in business in this commercial port.<br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Conclusions </strong><br /><br />By reflecting on the local chronicles of Kerman and the geographical sources discussed in the text, it can be seen that the peak of this commercial prosperity is related to the reign of some Saljuq rulers of Kerman, such as King Turanshah I and King Arslanshah I, which is roughly between the second half of In the fifth century and the first half of the sixth century, they ruled over the regions of Kerman, Hormuz, Oman and Makran. Of course, it is also necessary to state that the authority of the Saljuqs over Kerman and their efforts for the economic prosperity of this area, especially the commercial centers in Kerman and the ports and islands of the Persian Gulf, were not permanent, and factors such as the political, social and economic disturbances of the late Saljuq era The reason for the challenges between the sons of Toghrelshah over the throne of Kerman, as well as the invasion of Oghuz Turkmen to Kerman and their killing and looting, caused insecurity and, as a result, the economic stagnation of the commercial centers.با تسلط سلجوقیان بر ایالت کرمان و شکلگیری حکومت سلاجقه کرمان طی قرن پنجم قمری و بهویژه از زمان قدرتگیری ملک تورانشاه سلجوقی در این سرزمین، بهتدریج تحولی مهم در ساختار اقتصادی نواحی جنوبی ایران و تجارت میان بنادر و جزایر خلیج فارس با سایر مرکز تجاری بیرون از مرزهای ایران، نظیر بنادر شبهقارۀ هند و چین صورت پذیرفت. سیراف که تا این زمان مهمترین نقش را در تجارت ایران، هند و چین داشت، با تسلط ملک تورانشاه سلجوقی بر جزیرۀ کیش و تلاش برای رونق تجاریِ این جزیره، به مرور جایگاه خود را از دست داد؛ روندی که در عهد جانشینانِ ملک تورانشاه نیز دنبال شد. از همین رو، نوشتار حاضر با کاربست روش تاریخی و شیوه توصیفی-تحلیلی و همچنین با استفاده از مطالعات کتابخانهای، بر آن بوده است تا ضمن اشاره به پیشینه تجاری خلیج فارس قبل از رونق یافتن جزیره کیش، نتایج روابط حکام سلجوقی و امرای محلی خلیج فارس بر وضع تجارت نواحی جنوبی ایران را مورد واکاوی قرار دهد و پاسخی برای پرسش ذیل بیابد: نقش سلجوقیان کرمان در رونق یا رکود تجاری خلیج فارس (بهویژه جزیره کیش) چه بوده و خط سیر تجاری میان جزایر و بنادر این آبراه با مراکز تجاری درون کرمان و شبهقاره هند و چین چگونه بود؟ یافتههای پژوهش حاکی از آن است که حمایت سلجوقیان کرمان از ملوک بنیقیصرِ کیش، نه تنها موجبات تحکیم قدرت سیاسی آنها را فراهم کرد، بلکه باعث گردید این جزیره رونق تجاری روزافزونی بیابد و جایگاه پیشین سیراف را از آن خود سازد. از همین رو، با تسلط سلجوقیان بر کیش، هرمز و بندر تیز (تیس)، خط سیری جدید برای ردّ و بدل کردن کالاهای تجاری درون قلمرو سلجوقیان کرمان با حوزۀ خلیج فارس و شبهقاره هند فراهم گردید.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104889_0ab1a1fa466b2b7c74f1c04febc94bce.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922The role and Function of the Ministry of State and province in the Qajar period until the Nāser Al-Din Shāh era (1210-1313 A.H/ 1792-1895 A.D)نقش و کارکرد وزرای ایالت و ولایت در دوره قاجاریه تا پایان دوره ناصرالدین شاه(1313-1210ق.)558810473010.48308/irhj.2024.235873.1325FAزهراقلاونداستادیار گروه تاریخ دانشگاه پیام نور- ایرانفاطمهقلاونداستادیار گروه تاریخ دانشگاه پیام نور- ایرانJournal Article20240530The administrative system of the state and province of the country influences the continuity of government. In the Islamic period, Iranian governments used a coherent administrative system to manage the affairs of the state and province. One of the officials in the administrative structure of the states and provinces was the ministry official. This research, using a historical method and descriptive-analytical approach and employing library and documentary studies, seeks to examine the position and function of the minister of state and province during the Qajar period until the end of the reign of Nāser Al-Din Shāh. The findings of this research show that ministers of the states and provinces were officials elected directly by the central government. They held the highest rank in the state and province after the governor. The minister of state and province cooperated with the governor in political, administrative, and financial decisions. If the ruler was young, the minister was responsible for managing all the affairs of the state and province.<br /><br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br /><br />Controlling subordinate regions in any government is effective for its continuity. Meanwhile, the political and administrative structure of the state and province plays a vital role. The administrative system of states and provinces in any government is one of the significant topics for historical research.<br />There have been political-administrative positions after Islam in the states and provinces, such as governor and minister. The Qajar government employed a regular political and administrative system to govern territories under its sovereignty. Considering the weakness of the princes in managing the territories under their rule during the Qajar era, the central government administration sent some competent individuals to assist them in ruling their realms for the extensive duties of the Board, the Ministry of State and Provinces not only served as the Prince's consultant and mentor in the state and province but also managed all administrative and financial affairs of the state.<br />No independent and coherent research has been performed so far on the ministers of provinces during the Qajar period. However, there is valuable research that includes content related to this issue. These studies include Khosrobeigi (1383 š) in the article "Ministers of the Ruling Princes." In this article, the author briefly addresses the issue of the ministers of the Qajar princes during the reign of Fath Ali Shah but does not explain their duties and positions related to the ministry. Kianfar (1389 š) in the article "Governmental Organizational Structure of Tehran in the Traditional System"; Rahmati and Mozafari (1396 š) in the article "The Position and Function of the Waziri Family in the First Round of the History of Kurdistan in the Qajar Period." in these articles discuss the political and administrative structure of some states and provinces of the Qajar period, only the actions of certain ministers of those states review. None of these studies has comprehensively and independently addressed the subject of the ministers of the states and the province during the Qajar period. Therefore, this article aims to examine the role and function of the ministers of the states and provinces during the Qajar period until the end of the reign of Naser al-Din Shah.<br /><br /><strong>Methodology</strong><br /><br />The research's historical nature requires a descriptive-analytical methodology. In this approach, the researcher first deals with the scientific description of an event or subject and then explains its causes, interpretations, and implications.<br />This research utilizes descriptive-analytical methods and employs library and documentary studies to investigate the position of the ministers of state and provinces from the Qajar period until the end of the Nasser al-Din period. The authors seek to answer the following questions in this article: What was the position of the minister in the state and province system of the Qajar era? And what factors influenced their selection? What were the duties and functions of the state ministers during this period of Qajar's rule?<br />In this article, while observing the principle of trustworthiness, the positions of state and provincial ministers from the Seljuk period to the Zandiyeh dynasty are examined and explained, then searched for data related to the status of the ministers of the state and province during the Qajar period, their performance, their functions, duties positions related to them from historical sources. To be more precise, the research and information sources in this study were studied and examined in detail in several sections and categories. These sources include historical books, Diary books, Iranian and foreign travelogues, documents, government letters, and national newspapers related to the years 1210 to 1313 A.H. Authors extracted data from documents, classified them, and began statistical analysis and scientific conclusions.<br /> <br /><br /><strong>Result and Discussion</strong><br /><br />Ministers of state and province were elected directly by the central government. They were the highest in rank in the state and province system after the governor. The minister supervised all administrative and financial affairs in states and provinces. The election of the minister of state and province has existed since the Seljuk period, and it was in the administrative system of the Safavid period in its centralized administrative structure. The importance of the ministry of the state increased during the reign of Fath Ali Shah, and the appointment of princes as rulers in the states and provinces is somewhat similar to the Atabek system. However, during this period, some princes also had supervisors or Atabeks.<br />The minister was not only for the princes but also for some regions, such as the governors of Ardalan in Kurdistan or governors like BiglarBeigi elected a minister. However, the performance and duties of the ministers during this period are somewhat similar to those of the ministers from the Safavid period onward.<br />Ministers were elected, in most cases, from the Mostofi class. Their duties included the Implementation of administrative affairs according to the capital's instructions, supervising government lands, hearing complaints from petitioners in public trials, and making decisions. The minister was considered the link between the central government and the states and provinces in the country, and his ability significantly impacted the continuation of the ruling government's power in that region. The level of control of the ministers in the administration of a region and the satisfaction of the central government caused some ministers to stay in power for a long time in that area. In this situation, the minister kept his position even with the appointment of a new ruler. The minister was also in charge of regional affairs from the central government until the arrival of the new ruler in the state or province. At the same time, they could also take on other tasks such as Pishkar, and Customs supervisor.<br /> The ministers of several states and provinces held a higher position than other provincial ministries. Several ministers from Fars and Khorasan attained the status of independent ministers, overseeing the administration of all state and province affairs under their supervision. The minister of the state of Azerbaijan could reach the position of Qāem maqām, which is similar to the role of a vice minister. Simultaneously, the ministers of the states and provinces were impeached and punished by the central government due to the ruling princes' lack of responsiveness in the event of any unfortunate incidents in the states and provinces. Owing to the sensitivities associated with this position and the power struggles within the states and provinces, many state and province ministers during the Qajar era fell victim to the conspiracies of other local officeholders, such as the governor and the sheriff of the state and province, were killed in these clashes during the Qajar period.<br /> <br /><br /><strong>Conclusions</strong><br /><br />The findings of this research show that the position of the Ministry of State and Province did not belong to the Qajar period but was related to the Seljuk period. Since then, this position has existed in the states' and provinces' political-administrative system until the Qajar period. During the Safavid era, with the establishment of concentration in the country to supervise and administer the subordinate regions, the importance of the Ministry of State and Province's position increased.<br />The Minister of State and Province was sent as a link between the central government and state and provincial governments, serving as a representative to supervise the governors during the Qajar period. The position and duties of the Ministry of State and Province in the Qajar era should be considered a combination of the Ministry of State and Province in the Seljuk and Safavid periods. During this period, the minister acted as the guardian of the princes for the young or weak ruling princes, overseeing the affairs of the states and provinces and serving as the intermediary of the central government for the control of strong rulers in the States and Provinces. The minister's administrative skills, financial abilities, the extent of the minister's influence in the capital and having strong supporters there, and how he communicates with the ruler of the state and province affected the continuation of the minister's presence in the state and province.<br /> نظام اداری هر کشوری از دیرباز در تداوم و ثبات هر حکومت تأثیر فراوان داشته است. در این میان، چگونگی ادارۀ ایالات یا به عبارتی نظام ایالات، از اهمیت زیادی برخوردار بوده است. میزان این اهمیت با توجه به نقش ایالات در حفظ امنیت و سهم آنها در تأمین نیازهای مالی کشور، افزایش مییافت. تقسیمبندی کشوری و نظام اداری ایالات و ولایات در ایران سابقهای طولانی دارد و از دورۀ هخامنشی در کشور شکل گرفته است. حکومتهای ایرانی در دورۀ اسلامی نیز از نظام منسجم اداری برای ادارۀ امور ایالات بهره گرفتهاند. این نظامبندیها در دورۀ صفوی شکل منسجمتری به خود گرفت. مناصبی چون حاکم، وزیر و مستوفی در نظام اداری ایالات در دوره اسلامی به چشم میخورد. این پژوهش به روش تاریخی و رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی و همچنین با استفاده از مطالعات کتابخانهای و اسنادی، به دنبال بررسی جایگاه وزرای ایالت و ولایت و کارکرد آنان در دورۀ قاجاریه تا پایان دوره ناصری است. نتایج تحقیق حاکی از آن است که وزاری ایالت پس از حکام از بالاترین جایگاه سیاسی در ایالات و ولایات در این دوره از حکومت قاجاریه برخوردار بودند. درواقع، وزرا در این دوره با توجه به انتصاب شاهزادگان در رأس نظام سیاسی و اداری ایالات و ناکارآمدی آنان، به تمامی امور سیاسی و اداری ایالات و ولایات رسیدگی میکردند. وظایف و کارکردهای وزرا شامل رسیدگی به امور نظامی، حضور در جنگها، رسیدگی به امور مالی و مالیاتها، ادارۀ امور مربوط به زمینهای خالصه و کشاورزی و ساماندهی امور اداری ایالات و ولایات بوده است.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104730_2f261767b825c1661f538fda9f28ef88.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922The position of rural construction and renovation in the Fifth Development Plan (1973-1977); strategies and challengesجایگاه عمران و نوسازی روستایی در برنامه پنجم(1352-1356)راهبردها و چالش ها8911810475610.48308/irhj.2024.235951.1329FAمحسنپرویشاستادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران.حسناسدیاستادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی،اردبیل، ایران.Journal Article20240606This article examines the development strategies and developments in the fifth plan of the Pahlavi period (1973-1977) and especially focuses on the construction and rural modernization period. In this program, the main goal was to develop civil infrastructure in rural areas, which included creating civil areas, implementing infrastructure and educational projects, improving the skills and knowledge of villagers, and improving their living conditions. In this regard, the article analyzes the position of rural development and modernization in the fifth program and answers two key questions using the descriptive-analytical method: First, what were the most important goals and strategies for rural development and modernization in this program? And second, what were the most important implementation challenges of this program? The results of the research show that the main strategies of this program include creating the necessary infrastructure for the development of villages, providing drinking water, improving health and treatment, and creating cultural and educational facilities and planning to create rural development areas. It was to facilitate the implementation of construction and development projects in the regions. On the other hand, the ambiguity in policies and executive policies, the lack of precise definition of the concepts of city and village, weakness in the decision-making bases for the allocation of financial resources, and the lack of coordination in the implementation of construction projects, including There were factors that prevented the achievement of the expected success in the field of rural development in the fifth urban plan. In addition, the article examines the social and economic effects of this program on the lives of the villagers and tries to create a comprehensive picture by analyzing the available data. To present the challenges and successes of this course. This survey can be used as a valuable resource for future research in the field of rural development and urban planning.
<strong>Introduction</strong><strong> </strong>
In recent decades, rural development has emerged as a fundamental pillar of economic and social planning in developing countries. Within this context, the Fifth Development Plan (1973-1977) during the Pahlavi era played a significant role in improving living conditions in rural areas. The plan aimed to bring about fundamental changes in the social and economic structures of villages by addressing the needs and challenges present in these areas. Prioritizing rural construction and renovation, it sought to implement various projects designed to enhance the quality of life for rural residents and increase their capabilities.This article analyzes the strategies and developments in construction during this plan, focusing on its objectives, challenges, and outcomes. Given the importance of this topic, the article aims to answer two key questions using a descriptive-analytical method: first, what were the main objectives and strategies for rural construction and renovation in this plan? And second, what were the most significant challenges encountered in its implementation?Furthermore, this exploration not only sheds light on the historical context of rural development initiatives but also provides insights into the effectiveness of the strategies employed, contributing to a better understanding of rural development practices in similar contexts today. By examining the successes and shortcomings of the Fifth Development Plan, this article aims to inform current and future rural development policies, ensuring that lessons learned can guide effective interventions that address the unique needs of rural communities. Ultimately, the findings of this study may serve as a valuable resource for policymakers, researchers, and practitioners engaged in rural development efforts worldwide.
<strong>Methodology </strong>
This study employs a qualitative research approach to analyze renovation within the framework of the Fifth Development Plan (1973-1977). The methodology includes a comprehensive document analysis of primary and secondary sources, such as government reports and archival materials, to contextualize the strategies and challenges faced during this period. This analysis aims to provide a thorough understanding of the objectives set forth in the plan and the realities of its implementation.Additionally, a historical contextualization is conducted to understand the socio-economic conditions of rural areas, examining demographic and economic indicators that influenced the effectiveness of the development strategies. This context is crucial for assessing how external factors impacted the success of the initiatives outlined in the Fifth Development Plan.The study also incorporates a comparative analysis of rural development strategies from other regions or periods to identify best practices and assess the effectiveness of the Fifth Development Plan. By comparing these strategies, the research aims to highlight successful approaches that could have been adapted or implemented to enhance the outcomes of the Fifth Plan.
<strong>Result and Discussion</strong>
The results of this research indicate that the Fifth Development Plan during the Pahlavi era aimed to improve living conditions in rural areas and enhance construction infrastructure through various strategies. The main objectives of this plan included creating the necessary infrastructure for rural development, providing drinking water, improving health and medical services, and establishing cultural and educational facilities. These objectives were designed to facilitate the implementation of construction and development projects in rural regions. On the other hand, several execution challenges hindered the achievement of these goals. Ambiguity in policies and executive guidelines, a lack of precise definitions of urban and rural concepts, weaknesses in decision-making foundations for resource allocation, and insufficient coordination in the implementation of construction projects were among the factors that prevented the expected successes in rural construction. The discussion of these results suggests that achieving sustainable development in rural areas requires careful planning and coordination among various institutions. Additionally, paying attention to the real needs of rural residents and involving them in the decision-making process can enhance the outcomes of construction programs. Engaging local communities not only fosters a sense of ownership but also ensures that the initiatives are tailored to meet the specific needs and preferences of the residents. Moreover, the findings highlight the importance of establishing clear policies and guidelines that define the roles and responsibilities of different stakeholders involved in rural development. This clarity can help streamline processes and improve the efficiency of resource allocation.Furthermore, fostering collaboration between governmental bodies, non-governmental organizations, and local communities can create a more integrated approach to rural development, leading to more sustainable outcomes.<strong> </strong>
<strong>Conclusions</strong><strong> </strong>
The Fifth Development Plan (1973-1977) was designed with the aim of developing and renovating rural areas while improving the living conditions of rural residents. This program included several key strategies formulated to achieve developmental goals in the field of rural construction. These strategies encompassed the development of essential infrastructure, balanced distribution of investments, strengthening production and employment, coordination with industrial development, addressing the real needs of rural residents, enhancing local participation, and providing technical and vocational training to villagers.However, in practice, this program faced numerous challenges that hindered the realization of its objectives. Among the main challenges were the lack of familiarity of officials with fundamental goals and essential policies, shortages of human resources and technical equipment, neglect of small villages, and the acceptance of projects without consideration of execution capabilities and priorities. These issues not only led to inefficiencies in project implementation but also exacerbated inequalities in the distribution of resources and services, ultimately diminishing the quality of life for rural residents. In conclusion, while the Fifth Development Plan laid a foundation for rural development, its shortcomings highlighted the importance of thorough planning, stakeholder engagement, and adaptive management in future initiatives. By addressing these challenges and learning from past experiences, policymakers and planners could create more effective strategies that not only improved living conditions in rural areas but also promoted equity and sustainability in rural development efforts. This reflection served as a crucial reminder that successful rural development required a holistic approach that considered the complexities of rural life and the diverse needs of its residents.این مقاله به بررسی استراتژیها و تحولات عمرانی در برنامه پنجم دوره پهلوی (1356-1352) میپردازد و بهویژه بر فصل عمران و نوسازی روستایی تمرکز دارد. در این برنامه، هدف اصلی توسعۀ زیرساختهای عمرانی در مناطق روستایی بود که شامل ایجاد حوزههای عمرانی، اجرای پروژههای زیرساختی و آموزشی، ارتقای مهارتها و دانش روستاییان و بهبود شرایط زندگی آنان میشد. در این راستا، مقاله به تحلیل جایگاه عمران و نوسازی روستایی در برنامۀ پنجم میپردازد و با استفاده از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی به دو سؤال کلیدی پاسخ میدهد: نخست آنکه مهمترین اهداف و راهبردها برای عمران و نوسازی روستایی در این برنامه چه بود؟ و دوم، مهمترین چالشهای اجرایی این برنامه چه بودند؟ نتایج تحقیق نشان میدهد که راهبردهای اصلی این برنامه شامل ایجاد زیرساختهای لازم برای توسعۀ روستاها، تأمین آب آشامیدنی، بهبود بهداشت و درمان و ایجاد تأسیسات فرهنگی و آموزشی و برنامهریزی برای ایجاد حوزههای عمران روستایی به منظور تسهیل در اجرای پروژههای عمرانی و توسعهای در مناطق بود. در نقطۀ مقابل، ابهام در سیاستها و خطمشیهای اجرایی، عدم تعریف دقیق از مفاهیم شهر و روستا، ضعف در مبانی تصمیمگیری برای تخصیص منابع مالی و عدم هماهنگی در اجرای پروژههای عمرانی، از جمله عواملی بودند که مانع از دستیابی به موفقیتهای مورد انتظار در حوزۀ عمران روستایی در برنامه پنجم عمرانی شده بودند. علاوه بر این، مقاله به بررسی تأثیرات اجتماعی و اقتصادی این برنامه بر زندگی روستاییان نیز میپردازد و تلاش میکند تا با تحلیل دادههای موجود، تصویری جامع از چالشها و موفقیتهای این دوره ارائه دهد. این بررسی میتواند به عنوان یک منبع ارزشمند برای پژوهشهای آینده در زمینۀ توسعه روستایی و برنامهریزیهای عمرانی مورد استفاده قرار گیرد.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104756_f72bc9c42537c4c94935fda14529e085.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922The Process of Establishing Official Time in Iran during the First Pahlavi Era Since 1307 to 1314 (1928 to 1935)روند شکلگیری ساعت رسمی در ایران دورة پهلوی اول از ۱۳۰۷ ش تا 1314 ش.11915010477910.48308/irhj.2024.236152.1338FAزهیرصیامیان گرجیاستادیار گروه تاریخ دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، تهران، ایران.محمدجوادمحسنیکارشناسی ارشد تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20240630One of the main axes of the modern state-nation building policy in Iran during the Pahlavi era was the modernization of social identity based on the idea of homogenization. In this regard, the government initiated policies to define and establish a coordinated and uniform temporal order in state institutions and the public sphere of society, thereby monitoring the rhythm of government and societal activities. The modernizing Pahlavi state, by setting the official time to Tehran's horizon within the mechanisms of world time based on Greenwich Mean Time and synchronizing the time across all geographical regions of Iran with it, imposed its desired temporal order on the country's governmental, social, and economic institutions. This was achieved through the coordinating fu ctions of state institutions such as the telegraph office, municipality, and army, as well as administrative and legal measures. Consequently, it created a type of nationwide, coordinated, and uniform temporal identity for society.
<strong>Introduction </strong>
To understand the growing importance of time as a historical subject, one must consider its evolution in human society from the dawn of the modern era to the widespread adoption of modern ideas and institutions. In modern society, both micro and macro aspects of life are influenced by precise temporal patterns and structures. These precise patterns, established by governments through laws with various political and economic motivations and implemented using mechanical clock technology, have penetrated many areas of people's lives since the early modern period, giving direction to society.
In modern mechanical mathematical thinking, the 24-hour time became a standard and measure in new culture and society. Natural time, with the help of precise new time-measuring tools - mechanical clocks that made time countable in minutes and adjustable by hand using mathematical measurement units and mechanical technology - transformed into a technological idea around which all human actions in the new civilization were calculated, conceptualized, and valued.
What added to the importance of the element of time and the extent of its influence in the modern era was its complete intertwining with the element of space, as these two in the modern era gained meaning in interaction with each other and give meaning to each other in the concept of efficiency. The tangible representation of such a relationship between time-saving and reducing the distance between places, which was linked to mechanical technologies with the logic of profit and loss, becomes very prominent for governments and political and economic powers. They strive to establish their desired temporal rules in the societies under their control, to achieve the most profit and efficiency in human and industrial actions in the shortest time, and to use it to improve the quality of governance at all levels and increase its durability.
Based on this model, one can examine the efforts and actions of modernizing governments like the Pahlavi regime in early 20th century Iran, which sought to modernize society, to understand why they strived to establish a solid and stable temporal order and compel everyone to obey and synchronize with this uniform modern temporality.
Therefore, it can be said that the process of evolving social formations in relation to the policies of governing institutions in using modern technologies such as mechanical clocks to institutionalize modern culture is an attractive realm for research in the history of modernity in Pahlavi-era Iranian society.
On this basis, the question of the present article is: How were the foundations and process of formation of government policies and implementation of programs in the Pahlavi era for defining and establishing official time in the state's administrative system and Iranian social spheres developed?
<strong>Materials and Methods </strong>
This research aims to reconstruct the historical development of these policies and programs, and to examine, in light of the foundations of modern temporality, the standardizing and coordinating functions of these programs in achieving the goals of the Pahlavi government's authoritarian modernization agenda. However, answering this question and issue is not possible without considering the foundations of modern temporality in the global history of modernity in the 19th and 20th centuries, and its penetration through modern time-oriented technologies in Iranian society from the Qajar to Pahlavi eras.
This is a topic that, unlike other aspects of state and societal modernization in the Pahlavi era, has received very little attention from both Iranian and foreign scholars of contemporary Iranian history, and has only been addressed sporadically, with a focus on the importance of work hours in factories and the lives of workers, as in Touraj Atabaki's book "The State and the Subaltern: Authoritarian Modernisation in Turkey and Iran". In contrast, the research literature on the processes of modernization and their political, social, and cultural foundations in Western societies, centered on the changing relationship between state and nation, has produced numerous works that are used in this article as a conceptual model to elucidate the foundations, objectives, and consequences of the official standardization of modern time in Pahlavi Iran, which are presented as the basis for the discussions in this paper.
The data that has provided the basis for the aforementioned research primarily consists of a collection of documents and records from the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods in the field of timekeeping and work hours, the classification, examination, and analysis of which has enabled the authors, with a view to the existing examples in predominantly European studies, to construct a systematic and structured representation, and present it in the form of a specific research project. It is worth noting that the combination of the historical research method, the existing foreign examples, and the authors' ideas has given a particular form to the raw information available in this field, resulting in a novel understanding of the time-oriented approach to everyday life in a specific period, and the efforts of the established government to institutionalize and exploit it.
<strong>Results and discussion</strong>
The examination of the available documents and records from the early Pahlavi period regarding modern temporality, the official clock, and the new mechanical clock, and their analysis, reveals that during the Pahlavi era, the government, through precise and calculated direction of the widespread use of modern timekeeping in the Iranian government and society, which had already begun, and by investing time and resources, sought to implement policies and programs that ultimately made governance and the advancement of modernization objectives much easier for it, due to the order and discipline it brought to administrative and social affairs.
The standardization envisioned by the government, which was carried out in the realm of clocks and through the governmental tools at its disposal in society, resulted in positive outcomes for the government's authority. These included increased productivity in various government sectors, social order, penetration into different spheres of people's lives, and guiding them towards modern economic, social, and cultural actions, ultimately leading to increased power and control of the government in managing society.
The government, through the establishment of an official clock and the subsequent development of a legal and regulatory mechanism, organized the work hours of society and gained control over the temporal rhythm of the geographical area under its rule. It should be noted that these measures did not occur suddenly and did not immediately produce results, but rather a movement that had begun in the previous decades was placed on a specific path of harmonizing the time of Iran's geographical regions with the Tehran horizon during the early Pahlavi period, and through the government's attention and coordinated actions, with the definition of the official clock, this came to fruition.
As a result, the administrative structure and social relations were gradually and through the use of various tools, aligned and standardized in the modern temporal rhythm desired by the reformist Pahlavi government, and Iranian society slowly became one with a new, centralized, organized, and uniform time-oriented mindset.
<strong>Conclusion</strong>
It could be said that the standardization of work hours during the early Pahlavi period and the government's control over the temporal pulse of society through it, was one of the most critical modernizing steps in constructing a new form and content of national time centered on the horizon of Tehran, as one of the foundations of the Iranian nation-state. The government, with the help of its legislative and executive branches, and through cohesive and specific programs and actions, was able to achieve this and take a step closer to the formation of a modern Iranian social identity, which was the goal of Iran's modernization agenda.
By standardizing the work clock and establishing control over the temporal rhythm of society, the Pahlavi government was able to shape a new conception of national time and temporality, one that was centered on Tehran and aligned with the modernist vision of the nation-state. This was a crucial element in the government's broader project of socio-cultural transformation, as the regulation of time and the synchronization of temporal practices across the country helped consolidate a sense of shared national identity and facilitated the implementation of other modernization initiatives.
The government's ability to impose this new temporal order, backed by its legislative and administrative powers, demonstrates how the control and standardization of time could serve as an important tool of state-building and social engineering in the early 20th century Iranian context. Through these measures, the Pahlavi regime sought to remake Iranian society according to its vision of modernity, with the homogenization of time and the entrenchment of a Tehran-centric temporal framework playing a key role in this broader transformative project.
از محورهای سیاست دولت-ملتسازی مدرن در ایران دورة پهلوی، نوسازی هویت اجتماعی براساس ایدة یکسانسازی بود. یکی از زمینههای مدّ نظر دولت ایران، تعریف ساعت رسمی براساس زمانبندی مدرن بوده است که از اواخر دوره قاجار در جامعه ایران تبدیل به روندی کاربردی شده بود. بر همین اساس، سیاستگذاریهایی از سوی دولت برای تعریف و برقراری نظم زمانی هماهنگ و یکسان در نهادهای دولتی و حوزة عمومی جامعه آغاز شد تا بدین وسیله بر ضرباهنگ فعالیت دولت و جامعه نظارت داشته باشد. پرسش مقاله این است که مبانی و روند سیاستها و برنامههای دولت برای تعریف و تثبیت ساعت رسمی مدرن در ایران دوره پهلوی چگونه بود؟ به همین خاطر کارکردهای سیاستهای رسمیسازی زمان در ادارات دولتی و حوزههای اجتماعی نیز در برنامههای تجددآمرانۀ دوره پهلوی به روش تاریخی واکاوی شده است.
بررسی اسناد و واکاوی رخدادها نشان میدهد که اقدامات اولیه در این فرایند، از سال 1307ش. با همسانسازی زمان مناطق کشور با افق تهران آغاز و با تصویبنامة ساعت رسمی کشور در 1314ش. به سرانجام رسید. مبنای برنامه تعیین ساعت رسمی به افق تهران توسط دولت در دوره پهلوی، هماهنگی ساعت سراسر مناطق جغرافیایی ایران با روندهای زمانی رایج در سطح بین الملل بود. نظم زمانی جدید در سراسر ایران، با استفاده از کارکردهای هماهنگکنندة نهادهای دولتی تلگرافخانه، بلدیه و ارتش و نیز اقدامات اداری-حقوقی، در نهادهای دولتی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی کشور حاکم شد و نوعی هویت زمانی سراسری، هماهنگ و یکسان برای جامعه شکل گرفت تا زمان تجدد ایرانی به افق مدرنیتة جهانی تنظیم شود. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104779_47de2fd9b1f3207a98eeec7cdd813df2.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922Backgrounds of Political and Social Crises in Kerman during the Decline of Safavidزمینههای بحرانهای سیاسی و اجتماعی کرمان در روزگار زوال حکومت صفویه15117710494810.48308/irhj.2024.235169.1309FAسعیدآقارضاییدانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران.حسنباستانی راداستادیار گروه تاریخ و پژوهشگر مرکز پژوهشی جادۀ ابریشم، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-7732-7904Journal Article20240319During the Safavid power, Kerman was ruled by Ganjalikhan, the commander and governor of Shah Abbas I, was one of the largest provinces of Iran and the province included a wide area from the center and southeast and east coasts of Iran / Persia to Kandahar. The vastness of the territory, placed in to the centers of political developments and crises in the east of the country, added to the geopolitical importance of Kerman in the Safavid kingdom. Changing land tenure policy, the decline of Kerman's political, economic and border authority began. This province was the first centre of attention of the Afghan sedition and Mahmoud Khan Hotaki from the east of Persia. This article tries to answer these questions based on the historical research method in explaining and analysing the data while analysing the effective factors in the political and security developments of Kerman: what were the economic and political causes of the Kerman crises? What was the role of Kerman and the southeast commercial route in the decline of the Safavids and the fall of Isfahan? Finally, what was the role of Kerman in the crises after the collapse of the Safavids and the fall of Isfahan? The importance and necessity of the research did not focus only on the process of developments in Kerman in the Safavid period, but also tried to analysis the foundations of the crises in Kerman in order to provide a historical critique of the process of developments in Kerman. The findings of the research show that the lack of attention and mismanagement of Isfahan court officials and the failure to send capable rulers and collaborators, the spread of insecurity and religious strictures, led to the political and social decline of Kerman and as a result the downfall of the Safavids and capital city of Isfahan.<br /><br /><strong>Introduction</strong><strong>:</strong><br /><br />Kerman as one of the most extensive provinces of the Safavid era, achieved great prosperity during the middle of the Safavid by Shah Abbas I (kingdom 1596 – 1629) and his great commander and governor of Kerman, Ganj-Alikhan (1596 – 1625); economic development, social prosperity, trade boom, magnificent buildings such as great Bazaar of Kerman also caravanserais and urban public places, political order in the administrative system were among the characteristics of the province. Following the Safavids political decline, economic, social and cultural crises at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th centuries, Kerman was one of the main provinces and geographical points of Persia / Iran during the decline kingdom and influential in the fall of Isfahan as the capital city of Safavids. Kerman province, which was one of the most extensive and at the same time considered one of the most significant centers of power and wealth until the end of the era of Shah Abbas the great, became main center on the way to fall of Isfahan and the Safavids decline. This process started with Shah Safi (1629 – 1642), which many reasons have had an effect on the role-playing of Kerman.<br /> <br /><br />Methodology<br /><br />This article tries to answer these questions based on the historical research method in explaining and analysing the data while analysing the effective factors in the political and security developments of Kerman province: What were the economic and political causes of the Kerman crises? What was the role of Kerman and the southeast commercial route in the decline of the Safavids and the fall of Isfahan? Finally, what was the role of Kerman in the crises after the collapse of the Safavids and the fall of Isfahan? The importance and necessity of the research did not focus only on the process of developments in Kerman in the Safavid period, but also tried to analysis the foundations of the crises in Kerman in order to provide a historical critique of the process of developments in Kerman. In order to accurately examine what happened in Kerman in the early 18th century, the study of sources and researches should be based on the historical geography of Kerman and the recognition of its climatic diversity. The province did not have the same size in different periods, but in the Safavid era, its size was greater than all historical periods of Persian / Iranian history.<br /> <br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Results and Discussion</strong><br /><br />The fields of political, economic and social crises in Kerman at the time of the fall of Isfahan are divided into several parts: 1) The change of land ownership policy, which specifically refers to changing the land acquisition system. Following the administrative changes and the administration system of the states in the era of Shah Abbas's successors, especially due to the results of the implementation of the policy of converting mamālek (public lands) into the public crown lands (royal lands / ḵāleṣa / Amlāk-e ḵāṣṣa). 2) Changing the bureaucratic policy in installing rulers, as a result, instead of the province or the state governor, they handed over the administration of the province to the ministers. 3) Appointing incompetent governors which especially contributed to the decline of political and administrative power of provinces. 4) Social dissatisfaction of nomads, religious ethnics such as Zoroastrians and Sunnis in eastern region of vast province. 5) The insecurity of the eastern borders of Kerman from Makran / Baluchistan to Kandahar. 6) The decline of trade and the loss of trade routes; the southeast trade routes that connected the interior areas of the country to the Indian Ocean, the subcontinent, East Asia, and East Africa from the route of Kerman, Fars and the water body of the Persian Gulf were destroyed due to the widespread presence of insecure thieves and the neglect of the governors. Since the trade roads between India and Iran passed through Kerman, the decline in trade was a direct result of insecurity on the roads. 7) The indifference of the Safavids and local rulers to the economic decline. While economic decline was widespread, taxes were still high, causing discontent among the people, the wealthy, and the manufacturers.<br />Kerman was exactly on the path of rebellions and seditions of tribal chiefs (local khans) in the east and southeast of Iran. But due to many crises, the local governors of the province could not prevent the Afghan rebellion in the eastern passage of the country. The result of the attack of the Afghans and their tribal union was the capture of Kerman and immediately, the fall of Isfahan and the Safavids happened. Although these factors of the province cannot be considered as the most important factor in the decalin of the Safavids, the crises and problems of Kerman, without a serious resistance and prevention, brought the Afghans to Isfahan - the capital city of Persia.<br /> <br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Conclusion</strong><br /><br />Kerman had a different position in the developments after the fall of the Safavids: the political and economic turmoil after the fall of Isfahan made the political and social situation of Kerman even more critical. Claimants of power in the province were fighting each other. The most important results of the fall of Kerman and Isfahan and the collapse of the Safavids for the people of Kerman are: economic crises such as high prices, famine, destruction of the bazaar, decline of trade, decrease in production; destruction of public urban and road buildings such as caravanserais, roads, bazaars, water reservoirs, etc.; the drying up of aqueducts, the loss of agriculture and the deterioration of villages; social crises such as displacement, migration and population decline; political disorder such as the rule of several rulers at the same time; also, cultural crises. These caused Kerman to remain in ruins until 100 years later in the middle of the 19th century. Finaly the findings of the research show that the lack of attention and mismanagement of Isfahan court officials and the failure to send capable rulers and collaborators, the spread of insecurity and religious strictures, led to the political and social decline of Kerman and as a result the downfall of the Safavids and capital city of Isfahan.<br /> ایالت کرمان در روزگار اقتدار صفویان همزمان با حکمرانی گنجعلیخان، فرمانده و حکمران شاه عباس بزرگ در این ایالت، جزو پهناورترین ولایات ایران بود که بخش پهناوری از مرکز، جنوب، جنوب شرقی و شرق ایران را از کرمان و مکران (بلوچستان) تا سیستان و قندهار شامل میشد. وسعت قلمرو، قرارگرفتن در کانونهای تحولات سیاسی و بحرانهای شرق کشور، بر اهمیت ژئوپلتیک کرمان در عصر صفوی افزوده بود. در عصر جانشینان شاه عباس، در پی سیاست تبدیل ممالک عامه به خاصه (شاهی)، زمینۀ افول اقتدار سیاسی، اقتصادی و مرزداری کرمان آغاز شد. این ایالت نخستین کانون توجه فتنۀ افغانان و محمودخان هوتکی از شرق ایران بود. این مقاله بر اساس روش تحقیق تاریخی در تبیین و تحلیل دادهها تلاش دارد به این پرسشها پاسخ دهد: بر اثر چه عللی در کرمان زمینۀ بحرانهای سیاسی، اقتصادی و اجتماعی پدید آمد؟ کرمان و مسیر جنوب شرقی، چه نقشی در زوال صفویان و سقوط اصفهان داشته است؟ کرمان در بحرانهای بعد از فروپاشی صفویان چه نقشی در نابسامانی و آشفتگی سیاسی کشور داشت؟ این پژوهش تنها به روند تحولات کرمان در اواخر عصر صفویه زمانی نپرداخته، بلکه کوشیده بسترهای بحرانها و تحولات ایالت کرمان را مورد نقد تاریخی قرار داده است. یافتههای پژوهش نشان میدهد که کمتوجهی و سوءتدبیر امرای دربار اصفهان و عدم اعزام حکام توانمند و کاردان، گسترش ناامنی و سختگیریهای دینی، ناامنی در جادهها، نابودی و زوال جادهها و تجارت، کاهش تولید و افول اقتصادی، نارضایتیهای اجتماعی، و از همگسیختگیهای فرهنگی زمینههای زوال سیاسی و اجتماعی کرمان و در نتیجه سقوط صفویان را در پی داشت.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104948_6972965f9c96fb88046151596b39071c.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922Ḵorrād Borzīn: A mysterious and unknown figure in the history of the Sāsāniansخُرّادِ بُرزین: چهرهای رازآلود و ناشناخته در تاریخ ساسانیان17922210498110.48308/irhj.2024.236824.1359FAشهرامجلیلیاناستاد تاریخ ایران باستان، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید چمران اهواز. اهواز، ایران.Journal Article20240907In the last decades of the Sāsānid history, aside from the names of kings, princes, and queens, the names of warriors such as Bahrām Čōbīn, Bendōy, Bestām, Šahrwarāz, and Rostam Farroḳ-Hormozd appear in important events of this period. One of the mysterious figures of this era, with a history of amazing works, is Ḵorrād Borzīn. He was one of the dignitaries and notables during the reign of Hormozd IV (579-590 AD) and Ḵosrow II Parviz (590-628 AD). In the days of Kavād II/ Šīrōy (628 AD) as well, he was an old man, but as in the past, he was a very honorable person among the courtiers and in the eyes of the Iranians. In the Islamic historical sources, there are only brief references to Ḵorrād Borzīn, but in Ferdowsī's Šāh-nāma, there is a more extensive report about his life and wonderful works. In these sources, he is always mentioned as an educated secretary, a seasoned politician, a wise, eloquent, and cunning individual, and one of the most honorable courtiers of Hormozd IV, Ḵosrow II, and Kavād II. In this descriptive-analytical study, the story and works of Ḵorrād Borzīn, as one of the unknown politicians of the last decades of the Sāsānian history, and his collaboration and his role in the events of this time will be discussed.
<strong>INTRODUCTION</strong>
Studies that have been conducted on the history of Iran during the Sāsānid era have, to a large extent, ignored the life and works of Ḵorrād Borzīn, who was one of the wise and famous Iranian politicians during the reign of Hormozd IV (579-590 AD), Ḵosrow II (590-628 AD) and Kavād II (628 A.D.). Therefore, although valuable research has been conducted on the biographies of people such as Bahrām Čōbīn, Bendōy, Bestām, Šahrwarāz, and Rostam Farroḳ-Hormozd, who were all prominent political and military figures at the end of the Sāsānid period, and now there is more or less significant information about them, few if any studies have particularly focused on Ḵorrād Borzīn who was their contemporary and was known as a skilled and wise politician during this period. Likewise, in the existing documents about the history of the Sāsānids, either his name is missing, or only tacit mention is made of him as one of the Sāsānid courtiers in the events of the period of Hormozd IV and Ḵosrow II, Ḵorrād Borzīn. Aside from some historical sources of the Islamic period that provide brief information about the works of this Iranian politician, <em>Ferdowsī's Šāh-nāma</em> is the most important source for knowing the history and personality traits of Ḵorrād Borzīn. Therefore, in <em>Šāh-nāma</em>’s studies and especially in research about the names of people in <em>Šāh-nāma</em>, the biography of Ḵorrād Borzīn has also been narrated based on the report of <em>Šāh-nāma</em>. It is thus necessary to study the history and works of this prominent politician at the end of the Sāsānid period, his special role in the events of this period, and his personality traits in separate research.
<strong>METHODOLOGY</strong>
The current descriptive-analytical research explores the biography of Ḵorrād Borzīn as one of the mysterious politicians of the last decades of the Sāsānid history. The study investigates his contribution to and his role in the events of this period. Although the historical sources of the Islamic period, especially <em>Ferdowsī's Šāh-nāma</em>, offers some information about Ḵorrād Borzīn, the Sāsānian history researchers seem to have ignored him. To become familiar with this less known politician, in light of the Islamic historical reports as well as the narrative of the history of Theophylact Simocatta, a contemporary Byzantine historian with Ḵorrād Borzīn, the personality traits and history of this Iranian politician and his role in the events of the period of Hormozd IV and Ḵosrow II and Kavād II were investigated, hoping to throw light on his mysterious standing.
<strong>RESULT AND DISCUSSION</strong>
In 588 AD during the period of Hormozd IV, groups of Hephthalites - in Islamic sources: Turks - attacked the eastern borders of Iran and advanced as far as Bādqis and Herāt. In the Sāsānians capital, Bahrām Čōbīn, a renowned Iranian commander from the Parthian Mehrān family, was chosen by the Sāsānid king to face this eastern enemy, and he hastened to the eastern borders and fought against the Turks. However, it seems that before the Iranian army was ready to move to the east, Hormozd IV sent one of the prominent, wise, and cunning politicians of his court named Ḵorrād Borzīn towards the Hephthalian ruler to prevent further attacks of the Hephthalians/ Turks to the eastern lands of Iran. He was sent to pacify the Turks with his tricks and then prepare ground for Bahrām's warriors to trap them. Ḵorrād Borzīn had to deceive this eastern enemy by giving them the delusion that Hormozd could not withstand their attack and that he was ready to accept the peace treaty and pay ransom to them. However, with his skill and cleverness, he prevented the advance of the Turks in Iran, and in this way, he was able to reconnoiter and gain valuable information about the enemy army. Later, when Bahrām and the Iranian army arrived near the camp of the Turks, Ḵorrād Borzīn escaped at night and reached Bahrām and informed him of the organization and fighting power of the Turks. Ḵorrād Borzīn, as a special envoy of Hormozd IV, was with him during Bahrām's battles with the Turks, until Bahrām disobeyed the king and following his rebellion, Ḵorrād Borzīn fled to the capital and informed the king about the events in the east and the rebellion of Bahrām and his troops. The fire of Bahrām's rebellion ignited, and before Bahrām arrived in the capital of Iran, the Iranian nobles deposed Hormozd and handed over the throne to his son Ḵosrow. Despite all this, Bahrām, who wanted the throne for himself, reached the capital with the support of his troops, and Ḵosrow inevitably fled to Byzantium with his closest associates, one of whom was Ḵorrād Borzīn, and sought refuge with him in a border city of the Roman Empire. To get war help from the Byzantine emperor, Ḵosrow sent Ḵorrād Borzīn and several other companions to the emperor's court, and as reported by Theophylact Simocatta, this wise and cunning emissary of Ḵosrow, with his wisdom, eloquence, and shrewdness, brought the emperor and the Romans together with Ḵosrow. Finally, Ḵosrow, with the help of the Romans and his Iranian supporters, wrested the Sāsānian royal throne from Bahrām, and he inevitably sought refuge at the court of the Turkish Ḵāqān. With Ḵosrow's ascension to the throne, Ḵorrād Borzīn gained a special position and dignity, and later, with Ḵosrow's orders, he went to the court of the Ḵāqān of the Turks, and in a complex and surprising plot, he killed Bahrām, the militant enemy of Ḵosrow, and returned to Iran. Besides being a clever and wise politician, Ḵorrād Borzīn sometimes took command of the army in wars and according to several sources of the Islamic period, finally in the war with the Arabs in Ḏū-Qār, probably between 604 and 610 AD, he was killed. However, from other sources, it appears that this mysterious person was alive for a few decades after the battle of Ḏū-Qār and even until the time of Kavād II (628 AD), the successor of Ḵosrow II.
<strong>CONCLUSIONS</strong>
As one of the enigmatic figures of the last decades of Sāsānid history, Ḵorrād Borzīn’s story of his amazing deeds are reported especially in <em>Ferdowsī's Šāh-nāma</em>, in the context of the events of the reigns of Hormozd IV, Ḵosrow II, and Kavād II. In all our sources, he was always regarded as an educated secretary, a wise and eloquent politician, and one of the most honorable courtiers of this period. Ḵorrād Borzīn was especially one of the closest and most loyal companions of Ḵosrow II and held a special position in his eye. Ḵorrād Borzīn's entry into the Sāsānian history begins from the time of Hormozd IV and the attack of the Hephthalites Turks on the eastern borders of Iran. It is from this time that he is seen as a veteran, wise, and cunning politician of the Sāsānian court. At this time, Ḵorrād Borzīn was sent by the Sāsānid king to the camp of the eastern enemy to prevent their further attacks to Iran through conciliatory talks, so that the Iranian army under the command of Bahrām Čōbīn could confront the Turks. With his skill and cleverness, he stopped the enemy from advancing and destroying more and gained valuable information about the ability of the enemy's army until the Iranian army arrived to fight the Turks. Later, when Bahrām and the Iranian army arrived near the camp of the Turks, Ḵorrād Borzīn, whose secret was now revealed, escaped at night and reached the Iranian army and informed Bahrām of the organization and fighting power of the Turks. Ḵorrād Borzīn, as a special envoy and the eyes and ears of Hormozd IV, was with Bahrām during Bahrām's wars with the Turks, and later when Bahrām rebelled and stood up to confront the king, he, who did not agree with Bahrām, fled to the court and informed the king about the events in the east and the rebellion of Bahrām and his troops. Hormozd IV was soon deposed by Iranian nobles, and when Bahrām arrived in the capital with his troops, Hormozd's son and successor, Ḵosrow, fled to Byzantium with his closest associates, one of whom was Ḵorrād Borzīn. Then, Ḵosrow sent Ḵorrād Borzīn to the emperor's court to get war help from the Byzantine emperor and as it appears from the report of Theophylact Simocatta and Ferdowsī, it was with the eloquence and cleverness of this wise Iranian politician that the Byzantine emperor accompanied Ḵosrow to fight Bahrām. During the reign of Ḵosrow II, Ḵorrād Borzīn found a special base and respectability, and his name is always heard as a respectable secretary and a skilled politician. His masterpiece in the politics of this time was a complex and surprising plot to kill Ḵosrow's militant enemy Bahrām in the land of the Turks, and by doing it, the name of Ḵorrād Borzīn became immortal in the history of the Sāsāanids. He, who was always a loyal friend of Ḵosrow, occasionally took command of the corps in wars, as he was one of Ḵosrow's commanders in the battle with Bestām. Also, later, he was given the command of the border fortress of Bāreq near Hīra, and he, along with two other commanders of Ḵosrow, fought with the Arab tribes in the battle of Ḏū-Qār and was reportedly killed in this battle. However, as it appears from other sources, especially <em>Ferdowsī's Šāh-nāma</em>, I believe that he was alive until the time of Kavād II (628 AD), the son and successor of Ḵosrow II. Perhaps Hormozd, the cunning commander of the Iranian army, who was killed by Ķālid bin Walīd in the battle of Chains in the twelfth year of the Hijri (633 AD), was the same Ḵorrād Borzīn. Anyway, the history and the amazing impact of Ḵorrād Borzīn are such that the face of this Iranian secretary and politician is mysterious.در دهههای پایانی تاریخ ساسانیان، گذشته از نام پادشاهان و شاهزادهها و شهبانوها، نام مردان جنگاوری چون بهرام چوبین، بندویه، بستام، شهروراز و رستم فرخهرمزد در رخدادهای بزرگ این دوره بهچشم میآید و اکنون آگاهیهای دربارۀ سرگذشت آنها در دست داریم، اما یکی از چهرههای رازآلود و ناشناختۀ این روزگار، با سرگذشت و کارهایی شگفتآور، خُرّادِ بُرزین است. خُرّادِ بُرزین از بلندپایگان و نامآوران دورۀ پادشاهی هرمزد چهارم (579-590 م.) و خسرو دوّم پرویز (590-628 م.) بود. در روزگار قباد دوّم/ شیرویه (628 م.) نیز، او مردی سالخورده، اما همچون گذشته از درباریان و در چشم ایرانیان بسیار ارجمند بود. در منابع تاریخی اسلامی، تنها اشارههایی کوتاه دربارۀ خُرّادِ بُرزین وجود دارد، اما در شاهنامۀ فردوسی گزارش گستردهتری دربارۀ سرگذشت و چندوچون کارهای شگفتانگیز او آمده است. در این منابع، همواره از او چنان دبیری فرهیخته و سیاستمداری ورزیده، خردمند، زبانآور و نیرنگباز و یکی از ارجمندترین درباریان روزگار هرمزد چهارم و خسرو دوّم و قباد دوّم یاد میشود. در این پژوهش، با رویکردی توصیفی ـ تحلیلی به سرگذشت و کارهای خُرّادِ بُرزین بهعنوان یکی از سیاستمداران رازآلود و ناشناختۀ دهههای پایانی تاریخ ساسانیان و کاردانی و بازیگری او در رخدادهای این دوره پرداخته خواهد شد. در این پژوهش، با رویکردی توصیفی ـ تحلیلی به سرگذشت و کارهای خُرّادِ بُرزین بهعنوان یکی از سیاستمداران رازآلود و ناشناختۀ دهههای پایانی تاریخ ساسانیان و کاردانی و بازیگری او در رخدادهای این دوره پرداخته خواهد شد.<br /><br />https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104981_64108601fc61ab166dc3d388960f14ed.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922Investigating an Omitted Name in the “Charandparand Column”
(An Analysis of the Attitude of Charandprand Column in Sourasrafil toward Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri)بررسی یک نام حذفشده از ستون «چرندپرند» (تحلیل برخورد ستون چرندپرند صوراسرافیل با شیخ فضلالله نوری)22324610498310.48308/irhj.2024.235368.1315FAمحمد حسینروان بخشدکترای زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه قم، قم، ایران.محمودمهرآوراناستاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه قم، قم ایران.Journal Article20240414The column "Cherandprand" in the third issue of "Sourasrafil" magazine is about a scholar who, on the one hand, was rumored to have his leg amputated, and on the other hand, received money from some constitutional opponents, but this name was removed from that column. This research is based on the question why a name has been audited in the text of "Cherandparand"? Who is the owner of that name and why has his ananame been withheld, and most importantly, what historical points does the removal of this name reveal from that turbulent era. This research, is based on the method of content analysis on the texts of "Cherandparand" and its analysis based on other texts and documents of that time, investigates the hypothesis that this name that was deleted is the name of Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri, and this deletion can be based on the process of constitutional distancing. The petitioner and Sheikh analyzed. Based on the findings of this research, it can be said that the hypothesis of the research is correct. The comparison of this text with other texts of "Cherandparand" which is about the sheikh shows that until he joined the sit-in of the constitutional opponents in Abdul Azim's shrine, despite the differences, the constitutionalists still respected the sheikh and on the other hand the sheikh had a tendency to stay at home. to avoid further confrontation with the constitutionalists, but the events take place in such a way that he is forced to appear in the community and officially and publicly oppose the constitution, and after that, nothing of his respect and credibility remains with the constitutionalists; A situation that eventually turns into a deep-rooted enmity, which is the prelude to the Sheikh's execution.
<strong> </strong><strong>Introduction</strong>
Some events and developments of Iranian society has been very effective on the country's history and social relations after them. One of these important events was the constitutional movement. In this era, in the same proportion as there were changes in the institution of government and politics, there were also vast changes in culture, beliefs, social relations, economy, art and literature. The scope of these developments has made the historical study of this period very important, and secondly, despite the many researches that have been done in this field, there are still many unfinished works. "Formation of the press" and publication of newspapers is one of the important features of this era. One of these publications was Suresrafil weekly newspaper, which was managed with the financial support of Qasim Tabrizi (who later became the Minister of Posts and Telegraphs) and the efforts of Jahangir Shirazi and the cooperation of Ali Akbar Dehkhoda.
Dehkhoda used to write critical and sarcastic pieces in the Souresrafil weekly newspaper under the name "Charandparand". Suresrafil was considered one of the most popular publications of that time. The main reason for the success of this publication was its humorous column, Charandparand; because colloquial language and humor were new tools to express new thoughts and were catchier. But another aspect of the importance of these writings, which has been less noticed and cared, is its historical importance. Since humor provides the possibility for the author to say some unsaid or unsaid things indirectly and with a non-serious expression, historical points can be found in these texts that are not found in other texts. Certainly, the references that Dehkhoda had in these sarcastic writings to historical issues were clear to the reader of Suresrafil at that time but as time passed, it needed clarification. Some of these references talk about issues that have been almost forgotten in history.
<strong> </strong><strong>Materials and Methods</strong>
What this article deals with is one of these references. In one of the "Charandparand’s" texts, it is mentioned a religious scholar in Tehran that it is rumored that his leg was amputated, and on the other hand, it is discussed that he took money from constitutional enemies. However, in the printed text, Dehkhoda had removed the name of this scholar and replaced it with "three dots (...) In this article, by the method of content analysis and the use of evidence and documents, by examining and identifying this omitted name in the text of "Charandparand" and analyzing the reason for its censorship by the author or the editors of the publication at the time of publication, to analyze an important story at the top of the constitution. That is, the difference of opinion and enmity of the constitutional petitioners with Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri is addressed. In this way, this research, which was formed by using the library sources of "Charandparand" texts and analyzing it on the basis of other texts and documents of that time, has a novel subject and an innovative aspect. The main question of this research is, who is the name deleted in Charandprand's text and why, despite the fact that there was no conservatism in Suresrafil, this name was deleted. The desired hypothesis is that the name that fits this text is the name of Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri, and his name was removed according to the special circumstances of that day.
<strong> </strong><strong>Results and discussion</strong>
The text under the title "Akhbare Shahri" is a part of the "Charandparand" column published in the third issue of Suresrafil dated "1st Jamadi-al-ula 1325" and signed by "Sage Hasan Dale". In this text, three names have been removed and replaced by "three dots": the name of a religious scholar who is ridiculed and the names of two doctors who come to visit and treat him. What is important is the name of that scholar. The first possibility that can be given about this person is that he is "Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri", who is famous in historical texts for his opposition to the constitutionalists and his claim of taking money from the government and opponents of the constitution.
<strong> </strong>This issue is clearly stated in the next issues of Suresrafil, but in addition to that, in the writings of Walter Smart, the reporter of the British Embassy in the constitutional period (Moaser, 1348: 379), Janet Afari (1385: 153), Kaseravi (1382, 456), Forsat Al-Dawlah Shirazi (refer to: Malekzade, 1383: 570), Heydar Khan Amuughli (Rezazade Malek, 1351: 63) and ... are also evident. Examining the references in the text shows that the possibility that the omitted name is the name of Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri is likely to be true:
A- The people mentioned in this text are all opponents of the constitution who played an important role against the constitution in those days. "Palkonik" refers to the military title of the Russian Liakhov, who was brought to Iran to command the Cossacks brigade and was one of the enemies of the constitution, and at the end he bombarded and suppressed the parliament. Akbar Shah (Ashraf al-Waezin Shirazi) was one of the famous pulpits of Tehran who used to slander the constitution and parliament (Kermani, 1357: 346). "Haji-Agha Mohsen", "Heshmat-ul-Molk", "Asif-al-Dawlah" and "Qawam" (Qawam-ul-Mulk Shirazi) were all wealthy political figures who opposed the constitution in different cities. In this order, naturally, the scholar in question must also be one of the opponents of the constitution.
B- Place of the incident: The house where Sheikh Fazlollah lived was in Sangelaj neighborhood. The address that the narrator of the text says also shows this neighborhood: "At the end of the night, when I was returning from the park tired and dead, in front of the Armenian school ...”<strong> </strong>The meaning of "park" can be a place that was later known as "National Garden" in the first Pahlavi era and was a public promenade and was located in the north of Sangelj neighborhood.<strong> </strong>The narrator first attended the Parliament (Baharistan Square), then went to the Russian Embassy, and then went to places that do not have a geographic address.<strong> </strong>He "returned" to their neighborhood at the end of the night, and in this return, he passed the park, which is located between the Russian Embassy and Sangelaj neighborhood; but the more important reference to this neighborhood is the "Armenian School".<strong> </strong>A map that remains from 1891 shows that there was an "Armenian school" in Sangelaj in addition to the Armenian house.<strong> </strong>
P- Receiving money: The claim of receiving several thousand Tomans from "Heshmat-ul-Molk" by Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri is a matter that was also mentioned in the telegram sent from the parliament to different cities 23 days after the publication of this text. In this telegram, it was stated: "Haji Sheikh Fazollah Noori ... not long ago, he made a bold attempt to establish the government of Sistan and Qaen in favor of Heshmat al-Mulk, because the Parliament did not approve the His government due to many considerations, even though it is in conflict with the Holy Parliament made it public..." (Kasravi, 2012: 395 and 396<strong>).</strong>
<strong> </strong><strong>CONCLUSIONS</strong>
Examining the transformation of the published materials about Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri in Souresrafil newspaper, and especially the "Charandparand" column of this newspaper, recounts the neglected historical points about the confrontation between Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri and the constitutionalists.<strong> </strong>Sheikh Fazlollah did not intend to make his opposition public. At that time, the Sheikh had stayed at home so that his confrontation with the constitutionalists would not increase, but there were various rumors about him to bring him to the attention of the people. The presence of Sheikh Fazlollah in the sit-in of the constitutional opponents in the shrine of Hazrate Abdul Azim on the 9th of Jumadi al-ula (29 Khordad) deals a final blow to his sanctity. In such a way that it is no longer possible to reconciling.
<strong> </strong><strong>Acknowledgement</strong>
In carrying out this research, no financial aid was received from any organization or institution and this research was done independently by the authors of the article.ستون «چرندپرند» در شمارۀ سوم نشریه «صوراسرافیل» درباره عالمی است که از سویی شایعۀ قطع پایش منتشر شده و از سوی دیگر، از برخی مخالفان مشروطه پول گرفته، اما این نام در آن ستون حذف شده است. این پژوهش بر مبنای این سؤال شکل گرفته که چرا در متنی از «چرندپرند»، یک نام دچار ممیزی شده است؟ صاحب آن نام کیست و چرا از بیان نامش خودداری شده است و از همه مهمتر اینکه حذف این نام، چه نکات تاریخیای از آن دوران پرتلاطم بیان میکند. این پژوهش با روش تحلیل محتوا بر روی متون «چرندپرند» و تحلیل آن بر مبنای دیگر متون و اسناد آن دوران، این فرضیه را بررسی میکند که این نامِ حذفشده، نام شیخ فضلالله نوری است و میتوان این حذف را براساس روند فاصلهگیری مشروطهخواهان و شیخ تحلیل کرد. بر مبنای یافتههای این پژوهش میتوان گفت که فرض پژوهش درست است. مقایسۀ این متن با سایر متون «چرندپرند» درباره شیخ، نشان میدهد که تا پیش از همراهی او با تحصنِ مخالفان مشروطه در حرم عبدالعظیم، از طرفی مشروطهطلبان علیرغم اختلافها، هنوز حرمتی برای شیخ قائل بودند و از طرف دیگر، شیخ نیز تمایل داشت با خانهنشینی، از رویارویی بیشتر با مشروطهطلبان پرهیز کند، اما حوادث بهگونهای شکل گرفت که او مجبور به حضور در اجتماع و مخالفت رسمی و علنی با مشروطه شد و پس از آن چیزی از حرمت و اعتبار او نزد مشروطهطلبان باقی نماند؛ وضعیتی که نهایتاً به دشمنی ریشهداری تبدیل شد که مقدمۀ اعدام شیخ بود. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104983_d8b9a75b93420348b2190aa87efbbc9a.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922"Gol-e Zard" An attempt to change the pattern of women's life in Iranian society in the late Qajar era«گل زرد» تلاشی برای تغییرِ الگوی زیست زنانه در جامعه ایران اواخر عصر قاجار24726810488810.48308/irhj.2024.236285.1341FAدکتر عباسقدیمی قیداریاستاد گروه تاریخ، دانشکده حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران.نداسنبلیدانشآموخته دکتری تاریخ ایران بعد از اسلام، گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه تبریز، ایران.Journal Article20240716Critical cultural and social discourses related to the lives of Iranian girls and women emerged after the Constitutional Revolution. Many women's journals criticized the traditional lifestyles of women and girls, challenging the norms, patterns, and traditional frameworks that defined their lives. Alongside the establishment of women-oriented newspapers that focused on the status and conditions of women and critiqued them, there were male-oriented publications such as "Gol-e Zard." These publications addressed women's issues and their roles through literature and poetry, aiming to change and improve the conditions of women and girls, ultimately leading to social, political, and economic transformations. These efforts were both negative and positive: negative in their critique of traditional lifestyles, particularly regarding marriage, familial relationships, and social activities; and positive in their pursuit of new opportunities for women and girls, such as in education, schooling, and healthcare. This article explores the reasons behind and the approaches of the "Gol-e Zard" magazine towards women's issues using content analysis. It offers new and innovative insights into the efforts and activities of this lesser-known publication.
<strong>Introduction </strong>
With the advent of the Constitutional Revolution and the opening of society, attention to women and their related issues became a focal point for intellectuals, followed by newspapers. The dire conditions of Iranian women, the violation and neglect of their rights, and their unfamiliarity with the right to life and education were highlighted and criticized, prompting efforts to improve their situation. The language used in this context was also distinct: a straightforward, critical vernacular that was easily understood, free of pretense and artifice. Folk literature became one of the tools for expressing social criticism in the late Qajar period. Folk poetry, a significant component of folk literature, reflects various aspects of the material and spiritual lives of the people. As a part of the people's heritage and daily life, folk literature can be utilized in the path of social change and transformation (Tabibzadeh 2003, 15; Ahmadi 2002, 23). One of the publications that addressed women's issues through folk language, employing poetic and narrative tools both humorous and serious, was the magazine "Gol-e Zard". "Gol-e Zard" was a literary magazine that also focused on the political and social issues of Iran at the time. In its various issues, it paid attention to and criticized both the old and new issues concerning women. In fact, "Gol-e Zard" can be considered a grand anthology of women's poetry, many of which were composed by men. These poems, like a painting, depict the condition of women during the Qajar era. In essence, "Gol-e Zard" utilized the tools of folk poetry and literature to engage in social criticism.
<strong>Materials and Methods </strong>
This study aims to conduct a content analysis of "Gol-e Zard", one of the lesser-known magazines from the late Qajar era, focusing on issues concerning women and girls of that period. The research relies extensively on various issues of "Gol-e Zard", as well as some texts, sources, travelogues from the Qajar and Constitutional eras, and recent studies. It examines the magazine's approach to women's issues and the methods and efforts of its writers to change the traditional feminine lifestyle. The magazine's negative efforts include critiquing traditional lifestyles, particularly concerning women's roles in marriage, family relationships, and social activities. Its positive efforts aimed to open new opportunities in the fields of education, schooling, and healthcare for women and girls. Content analysis was employed to achieve this objective.
<strong>Results and Discussion</strong>
The first issue of the satirical, literary, and critical magazine "Gol-e Zard" was distributed on Lalehzar Street in Tehran on the 27th of Sha'ban 1336 AH (1918 AD) and apparently continued to be published until late 1341 AH (1923 AD) for a period of four years. The founder of "Gol-e Zard" was Yahya ibn Mohammad Baqir Samieian, known by the pen name Reyhan. The magazine featured satirical and critical poetry similar to other contemporary publications such as "Nasim-e Shomal", "Molla Nasraddin", and others. Researchers consider "Gol-e Zard" to be an example of the new literary style, which was created in the common language for the understanding of the bazaar merchants and the general public while also attracting the attention of the elite. "Gol-e Zard" was a magazine targeted mainly at men, but to attract women, it offered an annual discount for subscriptions to underprivileged women and female students. In this article, we have examined the magazine’s efforts to introduce and alter the living patterns of Iranian women in the late Qajar period from two perspectives: negative (what should be avoided) and positive (what should be encouraged), in other words, the dos and don'ts of the lives of girls and women in the late Qajar era in Iran."Gol-e Zard" aimed to create the foundation for change in women's lifestyles by addressing what might appear as trivial issues and challenges faced by women and girls within the home and family structure. By bringing these topics into a public domain like a magazine, "Gol-e Zard" sought to foster an environment conducive to change. The magazine critiqued the difficulties women and girls faced in various family dynamics and their roles, using a unique literary style. One of the key areas of focus was the role of motherhood, emphasizing its importance and impact on child-rearing and, by extension, the country's future. In this way, "Gol-e Zard" paid special attention to both the positive and negative roles of mothers in the family and society, particularly in terms of their influence on the upbringing of Iran's children.
Another significant issue addressed was the marriage of girls. In relation to this, "Gol-e Zard" highlighted several concerns, such as the desires or indifference toward the wishes of girls, the age of marriage, poverty, the lack of a dowry, and the influence of superstitious beliefs on marriage. The magazine's attention to a girl's choice in marriage was particularly progressive in a society where marriages were often arranged without regard for the girl's preferences. Alongside this, "Gol-e Zard" criticized the prevalent practice of early marriage. The magazine considered the economic difficulties related to the marriage of girls from various perspectives, noting that poverty and the lack of a dowry were factors contributing to early marriages or child marriages. In addition to focusing on poverty and the lack of a dowry, "Gol-e Zard" also identified the fear of girls remaining unmarried as a factor leading to their marriages with much older men. Polygamy was another significant issue related to women in traditional lifestyles that "Gol-e Zard" addressed. The magazine highlighted the negative consequences of polygamy, specifically its moral corruption and ethical flaws, using its distinct literary style to alert society to these issues. In connection with traditional women's issues, particularly polygamy, "Gol-e Zard" also paid attention to practices tainted with superstitions, such as spell-casting and fortune-telling. Other topics that "Gol-e Zard" focused on included the relationships between mothers and daughters, brides and sisters-in-law, husbands and wives, brides and mothers-in-law, sons-in-law and mothers-in-law, and the interactions between co-wives. The magazine discussed the importance of educating girls on hygiene and cleanliness by their mothers, the necessity of teaching proper family relations, specifically the interactions between brides and mothers-in-law, brides and sisters-in-law, and the traditional conflicts between them. These issues were addressed in both serious and satirical notes by "Gol-e Zard".
However, "Gol-e Zard" did not neglect men's rights and concerns in its discussions of women's rights. The magazine sometimes reflected men's complaints about women through poetry, highlighting issues such as women's unreasonable demands on financially struggling men, their tendency towards luxury, and their lack of knowledge in the arts of homemaking and childcare, which were common sources of male dissatisfaction. The magazine also raised and critiqued the issues and challenges that women faced in the public sphere. The most significant of these was the lack of social security and safety for women. "Gol-e Zard" sought to highlight and condemn these socially deviant behaviors by reflecting the ugliness of such actions in the public domain and raising awareness within society. Additionally, "Gol-e Zard" did not overlook the human rights of maids and female domestic workers in the households of the wealthy and the aristocracy, paying attention to the hardships and difficulties they endured. "Gol-e Zard" was not merely a publication that spoke of what should not be done; it also emphasized what should be done. The most important "must" that "Gol-e Zard" stressed in its notes and articles was the education and schooling of girls. Beyond this, in several articles, the magazine compared Iranian women with European women and, from the perspective of modern education, urged Iranian girls to pursue education as a means to escape ignorance and the problems stemming from traditional lifestyles. Alongside education, another issue that "Gol-e Zard" considered crucial for improving the condition of women and girls was their health, hygiene, and nutrition. In its efforts to change the overall status of women, "Gol-e Zard" also advocated for the formation of women’s associations, viewing these as effective in improving women's situations. Overall, "Gol-e Zard" regarded the education of women, their health and hygiene, and their involvement in social activities to pursue their rights as key factors in changing the traditional way of life and, ultimately, transforming Iranian society.
<strong>Conclusion </strong>
The attention given to women and their issues, as reflected in the numerous articles and poems written about them, demonstrates that "Gol-e Zard" brought to public attention women's issues that were once considered trivial and insignificant. The reflection of women's issues in "Gol-e Zard" shows that the magazine aimed to change traditional living patterns by expressing women's lived experiences through poetry. It encouraged women to pursue education and learning, offering incentives such as discounts for women purchasing the newspaper, thus motivating them to read and become familiar with its content. By addressing the simple, tangible, and real-life issues of women and girls in folk poems and serious or humorous stories, "Gol-e Zard" took steps toward changing and improving the quality of life for women and girls. Although "Gol-e Zard" remained relatively unknown, it undoubtedly played a significant role in influencing the future direction and lifestyle of Iranian women and girls in the following decades.
گفتمانهای انتقادی ِفرهنگی و اجتماعی در ربط با زندگی دختران و زنان ایرانی، پس از دورۀ مشروطیت شکل گرفت. در بسیاری از جراید زنان و دختران و الگوی زیست سنتی آنان مورد توجه و انتقاد قرار گرفت و هنجارها و الگوها و قالبهای سنتی و زیستۀ زنان را به چالش کشید. در کنار تأسیس روزنامههای زننگار که توجه شایانی به وضعیت و جایگاه زنان و انتقاد از آن داشتند، نشریات مردنگاری چون «گل زرد» نیز بودند که زنان و مسائل مربوط به آنان و جایگاهشان را با استفاده از ادبیات و شعر مورد نقد قرار دادند و درصدد تغییر و بهبود وضعیت زنان و دختران برآمدند که به تغییر در تحولات اجتماعی، سیاسی و اقتصادی منتهی میشد. این تلاشها از یک سو سلبی و نقد سنتها و از سوی دیگر ایجابی بود. سلبی از آن جهت که به نقد الگوی زیست سنتی زنان در ازدواج و روابط درونخانوادگی زنان با سایر افراد خانواده و همچنین فعالیتهای اجتماعی آنان و ایجابی از آن جهت که در پی باز کردن عرصههای جدیدی برای زنان و دختران بود؛ همچون مدرسه، آموزش و بهداشت. در این مقاله چرایی و چگونگی رویکرد «مجلۀ گل زرد» به وضعیت زنان با استفاده از روش تحلیل محتوا مورد پژوهش قرار گرفته و حاوی نکات نو و جدیدی است از تلاشها و فعالیتهای این نشریۀ کمتر مورد توجه قرار گرفته.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104888_c5a396713acb42015d1a0ed5c5070aee.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922Statistical analysis of the role of the National Assembly in industrial policy making (1925-1941)تحلیل آماری نقش مجلس شورای ملی در سیاستگذاری صنعتی26929410498410.48308/irhj.2024.234566.1297FAحمیدرضاآریان فراستادیار بنیاد ایرانشناسی، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20240123The beginning of industrial policy by the National Assembly goes back to the second period. In this period until the end of the fourth period, laws were approved in the field of industry, but these approvals were not implemented due to structural reasons. In the fifth period, at the same time as Iran entered the stage of industrial development, the process of industrial policymaking by the parliament also entered a new stage. The fifth parliament, taking into account the planning and decision-making system, officially made policies in the field of industry, and this process continued until the end of the twelfth term. During 8 periods, according to many political, social and economic needs of the Pahlavi government, industrial development policies were approved in the form of laws. The main issue of the current research is to explain the role of the National Assembly in the policy making of Iran's industrial development during the first Pahlavi era. This article deals with the statistical analysis of the aforementioned laws with a qualitative method and has tried to analyze the role and position of the parliament in the process of industrial policy-making in the first Pahlavi era.<br /> <br /><br /><strong>Introduction </strong><br /><br />Since the beginning of the modernization movement in Iran, industrial development was one of the ideals of intellectuals and constitutionalists, but these plans were not successful due to the weak economic structure of the country and the movements of foreign forces. With the formation of the National Assembly, legislation and policy making in the field of modernization and industrial development began. The first exclusive law in the field of industry in the second session of the National Assembly entitled "Leather and Soap Factory Establishment Privilege Law to Rabizadeh and Partners" was approved by the members of the parliament. Further, until the end of the fourth term, laws were approved in the field of industry. In the fifth term and with the change of government, the process of industrial policy by the parliament also entered a new stage.<br />Until now, various studies and researches have addressed the issue of modernization and development of industry in the first Pahlavi period, but the role of the parliament as one of the pillars of governance in this period, in the process of industrial development and the effects of its approvals on the industrial structure of Iran, has been paid less attention. Therefore, this article deals with the role and importance of governance in the industrialization of the country, specifically examining the approvals of the National Assembly, their programs, policies and industrial decisions. A period in which a large number of approvals were approved in the field of industry.<br /><br /><strong>V. Methodology:</strong><br /><br />The present research has analyzed the aforementioned laws with a qualitative method and has tried to analyze the programs, policies and industrial decisions and the role and position of the parliament in the process of industrial policy-making during the first Pahlavi period (1925-1941); A period which, according to many historians and experts, is the beginning of modernism in Iran. Since in this period, in addition to the country's income resources that were at the disposal of the government, the government's direct monopoly, which was the dominant form of economic resource monopoly, and its transfer by the government, whether the parliament could be effective in relation to industrial policy, is the subject of this article. It has been addressed.<br /><br /><strong> Results and discussion:</strong><br /><br />The National Assembly, the most important achievement of the constitutional revolution, during the first Pahlavi era, paid attention to the advancement of the country's reform and development project and addressed the industry category. The findings of the research show that during this period, many of the programs that were approved by the Shura Council were ordered by the king or the court and therefore lacked the scientific support needed for implementation. Weakness in the process of investigation and research should be investigated more than anything in the construction of political power during the first Pahlavi period and the rotation of power from the parliament to the government and of course the nature of the parliament. In this period, while government concentration was a tool in the process of capital accumulation, corruption and the lack of initiative to be encouraged were contrary to pursuing a coherent and continuous industrial policy. The approved laws of this period created a big leap in development, but did not provide the factors of development in terms of quantity and quality, the reason of which, in addition to the structure of the Pahlavi government, goes back to the social and economic conditions of Iran before this period. In addition to the mentioned internal factors, the external factor of Iran's integration into the world market of the capitalist system and the fluctuations of the world market also had a profound effect on the nature of economic policies and the creation of financial resources.<br />Since during the first Pahlavi era, the country's revenue sources were under the control of the government, therefore, the role of the parliament could not be effective in relation to industrial policy and was monopolized by the government. In addition to direct government monopoly, which was the dominant form of economic resource monopoly, in some cases the government gave away some privileges by receiving royalties.<br />The findings of the research show that although the laws approved by the parliament accelerated social changes, the characteristics governing the discourse environment, the interference and control of the government's decisions in all affairs and institutions, caused the legislative body of the parliament to approve laws that are aimed at consolidating absolute power. Was the government, until the real needs of a coherent industrial development program and therefore did not provide the development factors in terms of quantity and quality.<br /><br /><strong>Conclusion:</strong><br /><br />During the Pahlavi period, the government structure and decision-making system were focused on the institution of monarchy and government. The motivation of the government was to provide financial resources to create political concentration. In fact, it was the establishment of legal institutions in line with the exercise of individual sovereignty that helped the Shah to establish a powerful central government. Therefore, the parliament became an organization for approving the government's approvals and removed the parliament from its real function, which is to support the national industry.<br /> آغاز سیاستگذاری صنعتی توسط مجلس شورای ملی به دورة دوم باز میگردد. در ادامه تا پایان دورة چهارم، قوانینی در حوزة صنعت به تصویب رسید، اما این مصوبات به علل ساختاری به مرحلۀ عمل درنیامد. در دورة پنچم، همزمان با ورود ایران به مرحلة توسعة صنعتی، روند اقدامات مجلس در زمینۀ سیاستگذاری صنعتی نیز وارد مرحلۀ نوینی شد. مجلس پنجم با در نظر گرفتن نظام برنامهریزی و تصمیمگیری به صورت رسمی به سیاستگذاری در زمینة صنعت پرداخت و این روند تا پایان دورة دوازدهم ادامه یافت. مجلس در طی 8 دوره با توجه به بسیاری از نیازهای سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی حکومت پهلوی، سیاستهای توسعة صنعتی را در قالب قوانین تصویب نمود. مسئلۀ اصلی تحقیق حاضر تبیین نقش مجلس شورای ملی در سیاستگذاری توسعة صنعتی ایران در دورة پهلوی اول است. یافتههای پژوهش بیانگر آن است که اگرچه قوانین مصوب مجلس موجب تسریع تحولات اجتماعی گردید، ویژگیهای حاکم بر فضای گفتمانی و دخالت دولت در تمامی امور و دستگاهها سبب شد تصمیمگیریهای نهاد قانونی مجلس صرفاً در جهت تحکیم قدرت مطلقۀ حکومت باشد و لذا نیازهای واقعی یک برنامة توسعة صنعتی منسجم و عوامل توسعه از نظر کمی و کیفی در نظر گرفته نشود. این مقاله با روش کیفی به تحلیل آماری قوانین یادشده پرداخته و سعی نموده است به تحلیل نقش و جایگاه مجلس در روند سیاستگذاری صنعتی در دورة پهلوی اول بپردازد.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104984_76b595f7d264a22296a3ec592af04928.pdfدانشگاه شهید بهشتیمجله تاریخ ایران2008-735717220240922The Trace of Proto-Iranians in the Emergence of Ancient Chinese Ideal of Kingshipردپای آغازینایرانیان در شکلگیری آرمان شهریاری چین باستان29533010491210.48308/irhj.2024.236537.1346FAاحسانافکندهاستادیار گروه تاریخ دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20240903One of the most important tenets of ancient Chinese political thought is the ruler’s place in the political structure. The ancient Chinese called the ruler “Son of Heaven” (in Chinese: Tianzi), a position considered quasi-divine. Based on this, the Chinese imperial institution can be viewed as a type of “sacred kingship”. The use of this title can be traced back to the establishment of the second historical state of ancient China, the Zhou Dynasty (1046-256 BC), and “Son of Heaven” remained one of the most important imperial titles in the Chinese political sphere until the 20th century and the end of Imperial system. However, the origin of this institution has rarely been the focus of researchers. Since this title does not appear in the previous Shang period (ca. 1600-1046 BC), i.e. the first historically attested Chinese dynasty, its origin is not well known, and it is generally assumed to have been an invention of the Zhou Dynasty for legitimation purposes. Alternatively, some researchers have proposed that this idea is rooted in the common heritage of ancient Chinese people with Tibato-Burmeans or Altaic nomads. This article, by analyzing the classical narrative of Scythian mythology and cuneiform sources, aims to show that a trace of a similar title can be seen as “son of the sky/God” among the Iranian nomads of the Pontic steppes and Central Asia (Scythians), and Irano-Aryan elements of western Asia in the second millennium B.C. As a result, the article proposes that the Chinese “Son of Heaven” is a borrowing from the Proto-Iranian “Son of the Sky God”, by the ancestors of the Zhou Dynasty, probably through central Asia by the proximity to the nomads of western China.
<strong>Introduction </strong>
Throughout the history of monarchical China, the ruler has played a pivotal role in the formation, continuity, and evolution of Chinese political thought. Despite the succession of dynasties and periods of political instability, some concepts related to Chinese political thought persisted in Chinese culture until the end of the monarchical era. One of the most important terms was “Son of Heaven” which was the title of the Chinese monarch. According to this title, the Chinese monarch was not merely an ordinary ruler but was considered the representative of the supreme deity, Heaven. Therefore, this title can be seen as an indication of a sacred kingship, whereby the emperor was considered to be chosen by Heaven and to carry out its will. This perception of monarchy from ancient times led to the concept of the “mandate of Heaven”, which, along with the title “son of Heaven” became one of the main foundations of political legitimacy in Chinese history from the Zhou dynasty onwards. This concept implied that the monarch had received the legitimacy of his rule from Heaven. Therefore, as long as Heaven’s will was upon him, he possessed the mandate to rule over the entire world.
An interesting point is that according to the Sinologists, the concept of “Heaven” and the political concepts derived from it, namely “son of Heaven”, and “mandate of Heaven,” did not exist in the earliest historical period of China. It was only from the end of the second millennium BCE and the rise of the Zhou dynasty (1046-256 BCE) that these titles appeared in textual sources. This is significant because the Zhou dynasty took the power as foreign invaders and they likely had nomadic background. Based on these facts, the study of the origins of this concept and its related political concepts is one of the important issues for understanding the formation of political thought in early ancient China.
<strong>Materials and Methods</strong>
Researchers have focused mainly on explaining the “son of Heaven” or “mandate of Heaven” in ancient Chinese political thought, and have rarely addressed the issue of its origin. Western sinologists, in the 1930s, showed that the Chinese sky-god “Heaven” only appears in documents from the Zhou dynasty onwards, and the emergence of “Heaven” as a deity is related to the Zhou conquest. Furthermore, “Son of Heaven” is not found in pre-Zhou documents. However, in their study of Chinese kingship, they paid attention only to the political changes resulting from the rise of the Zhou dynasty, and the connection between kingship and shamanistic rituals in early China. A few exceptions who have discussed the origins of “Heaven” and the title “son of Heaven” suggest that “son of Heaven” has its roots in the cross-cultural commonalities between ancient Chinese people and the northern Altaic nomads, which the Iranians also played a role in its spread.
This article aims to demonstrate that the “Son of Heaven” existed among early Irano-Aryan tribes before its appearance in ancient Chinese political thought. Given the absence of this title in pre-Zhou China, this title was not a political innovation in ancient China but rather a borrowing by the Zhou people from the early nomadic Iranian tribes. Based on this, the article first addresses the rise of the Zhou dynasty and the emergence of the “Son of Heaven” in ancient China. Then, to find the root of this title, the origins of the Zhou people and their relations with the nomads of northern and western China, as well as the existing evidence of this concept among the Eurasian steppe nomads, are analyzed. Finally, the evidence for the existence of this title among the Iranian nomads of the southern Russian steppes, namely the Scythians, and the Ancient Near Eastern cuneiform inscriptions from the second millennium is presented and examined.
<strong>Results and Discussion</strong>
The rise of the Zhou Dynasty intertwines with myths, mainly found in Sima Qian's' Shiji, written a millennium after the events. Despite its mythical elements, other sources like the Shujing and Shijing support the framework of events. The article explores the origin of the title “Son of Heaven,” briefly discussing the Zhou's rise. The Zhou dynasty, emerging from a nomadic background, established its rule after defeating the Shang in 1046 BCE. The concept of the “Mandate of Heaven,” justifying their rule, became central in Chinese political thought. Unlike the Shang's deity, Zhou's Heaven was seen as a moral protector. The unique title “Son of Heaven” was exclusively associated with Zhou, marking a significant political innovation.
After examining the origins of the Zhou people and the “Son of Heaven” concept, the article considered whether it emerged from Zhou traditions or it was influenced by earlier cultures. The article suggests that the concept likely predates the Zhou conquest and it may have been rooted in their pre-conquest traditions. The Zhou people are believed to have originated from the western region of Shaanxi, where distinct cultural artifacts indicate their separation from the Shang dynasty's influence. Their nomadic background is evident, with connections to the Rong people and other nomadic groups in northern and western China. The “Son of Heaven” concept's origins are debated, with theories linking it to Indo-European or Tibetan-Burmese influences. The article inclines towards the idea that this concept emerged from the Zhou's interactions with Indo-Europeans, especially Iranians in the west, rather than northern nomads.
The hypothesis of a shared origin for the Chinese and Indo-European sky gods, while contested, is supported by evidence of cultural interactions between these ancient civilizations dating back to the second millennium BCE. The Tocharians and Indo-Iranians (Aryans), the easternmost branches of the Indo-European languages, had significant contact with the Shang dynasty, as indicated by archaeological findings such as jade ornaments and chariots. Chariots, introduced to China around 1200 BCE, likely came through Xinjiang, reflecting the influence of the Tocharians and Indo-Iranians. The term for chariot in Chinese is a loanword from Tocharian, indicating linguistic and cultural exchange.
Beyond these tangible exchanges, the title “Son of Heaven,” traditionally associated with the Zhou dynasty, is shown to have probably Aryan roots. This title may be linked to Indo-European traditions, particularly among the Scythians and Mitanni, who had similar concepts of divine kingship. The Scythian foundation myth, recorded by Herodotus, describes the royal lineage as descended from Zeus (or the Scythian sky god Papaios), suggesting a belief in a heavenly mandate similar to the Zhou's “Mandate of Heaven.” Further evidence comes from the Mitanni kingdom in the Near East, where the title “son of the storm god” appears in cuneiform texts, potentially referring to the Aryan god Indra. The Kassites, another group with Indo-Iranian ties, also displayed a belief in divine kingship, with their kings claiming descent from gods associated with heights and the sky, reinforcing the idea of a shared Indo-European tradition of divine kingship that influenced Chinese concepts of sovereignty.
In summary, the cross-cultural interactions between the Indo-Europeans and ancient Chinese, evidenced through linguistic, archaeological, and mythological parallels, support the theory that the concept of divine kingship in China may have been influenced by Indo-European traditions, particularly through the Aryan belief in the divine descent of kings.
<strong>Conclusion</strong>
This study explored the transformation of royal ideology in early ancient China following the overthrow of the Shang dynasty by the Zhou people in the 11th century BCE. The Zhou rulers legitimized their rule by calling themselves the “Son of Heaven” (or Son of God), despite no prior evidence of such a term in Shang texts. The research traces the origins of this title to regions beyond Shang China, likely among the nomadic ancestors of the Zhou in the farthest reaches of China. Contrary to current research linking the Zhou to Altai nomads or Tibeto-Burman tribes, this study suggests the influence of Iranian Scythian nomads in shaping this concept. The research highlights cultural exchanges between Indo-European nomads and the Zhou, particularly through the introduction of chariot warfare. Additionally, it presents evidence of similar titles in West Asia, among the Mitanni and Kassite kings, who were influenced by Aryan nomads. The study concludes that the concept of the “Son of God/Heaven” likely originated among Iranian nomads in southern Russia but persisted uniquely in China due to the lack of religious constraints, ultimately evolving into a core political idea that justified rebellion against tyrannical emperors.
<strong>Acknowledgement</strong>
This article is part of the research project titled “The Impact of Ancient Iranian Foundations of Central Asia on the common heritage of Iran and China” which was supported by the Iran National Science Foundation (INSF) and Shahid Beheshti University.جایگاه فرمانروا در ساختار سیاسی چین از مهمترین ارکان اندیشة سیاسی در چین باستان به شمار میرود. چینیان باستان از دیرباز فرمانروا را «پسر آسمان» (به چینی tiānzǐ) مینامیدند و خاستگاهی نیمه الهی برای مقام وی قائل بودند. بر این اساس میتوان نهاد امپراتوری در چین باستان را نوعی «پادشاهی مقدس» تلقی کرد. قدمت استفاده از لقب «پسر آسمان» به استقرار دومین دولت تاریخی چین باستان یعنی دورة دودمان جو (۱۰۴۶-۲۵۶ ق.م.) میرسد و تا سدة بیستم میلادی و واژگونی نظام امپراتوری همچنان یکی از مهمترین القاب امپراتور در حوزة سیاسی چین باقی ماند. با این حال، خاستگاه این نهاد بهندرت محل توجه پژوهشگران بوده است. از آنجا که این لقب در دورة نخستین دودمان تاریخی چین یعنی شانگ ( حدود ۱۶۰۰-۱۰۴۶ ق.م.) مشاهده نمیشود، خاستگاه و نحوة شکلگیری آن به خوبی مشخص نیست و عموماً فرض شده است که برساختة دودمان جو برای مقاصد مشروعیتبخشانه بوده است. برخی پژوهشگران نیز پیشنهاد کردهاند این باور ریشه در میراث مشترک میان مردم چین باستان با بیابانگردان آلتایی یا اقوام تبتی-برمهای دارد. مقالة حاضر با تحلیل روایات اساطیری اقوام سکایی در متون کلاسیک و نیز شواهد خط میخی بر آن است تا نشان دهد که پیش از دودمان جو، میتوان ردپای لقبی مشابه آن را بهصورت «پسر خدا/ آسمان» در میان بیابانگردان ایرانی استپهای جنوب روسیه و آسیای مرکزی (سکاها) و و آریاییهای مهاجر به آسیای غربی در هزارة دوم ق.م. مشاهده کرد. بنابراین لقب چینی «پسر آسمان» در حقیقت وامگرفتهشده از لقب «پسر خدا/آسمان» آغازینایرانیان است که احتمالاً نیاکان دودمان جو به واسطة مجاورت با بیابانگردان غرب چین از طریق آسیای مرکزی اخذ کردهاند.https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104912_e92f2c67fa275a87372c78ff6c99d98c.pdf