دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Qajar Policy of Buying and Selling Provinces: Frequent Political Changes and Socio-Economic Consequences in Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh Provinces in the Nasrid Era سیاست قاجاری خرید و فروش ایالات (تغییرات مکرر سیاسی و پیامدهای اجتماعی-اقتصادی در ولایت بهبهان و کهگیلویه در عصر ناصری) 1 26 105655 10.48308/irhj.2025.236721.1356 FA کشواد سیاهپور دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران نعمت الله زکی پور استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران، Journal Article 2024 08 27 Introduction Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan were among the important and prominent beylarbeys of the Iranian state during the Safavid era, which always had a high status for the Safavid kings and rulers. The effective role of the warriors of this beylarbey in foreign and domestic political-military events is well documented in the sources of the era. They confronted the Safavid government with crises at least twice. Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan also enjoyed a special status during the Afshar and Zand periods. Nader Shah Afshar and Karim Khan Zand personally commanded the army to suppress their opponents in Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan. The importance of the region remained intact during the Qajar period. Of course, during this period, Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan became part of the Fars state. The Greater Fars state, like some other states, was a mixture of disorder, conflict, and struggle for power, seizing the province, and collecting taxes from the establishment of the Qajar dynasty (1209 AH) to the death of Mohammad Shah (1264 AH). The provinces of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh were also subordinate to the political, social, and economic conditions of the Fars province. Auctioning and buying, and selling of regions and provinces was common and customary. The rulers of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh were changed by order of the ruler of the Fars province. Many Qajar rulers in Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces used various methods to consolidate their rule and economic and political exploitation. Such as: frequent political changes, forced migrations of tribes and clans, intensification of tribal and clan conflicts and disputes; creation of new positions, such as Ilkhan, which on the one hand facilitated the control of the tribes by the central government and on the other hand fueled internal conflicts and tensions among the tribes. The Qajar rulers used many of the aforementioned cases to weaken the power of the tribal community and ethnic groups living in Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces, which had socio-political consequences. This research was conducted based on the historical research method and the descriptive-analytical method, and explained and analyzed the political events and their social and economic consequences based on first-hand sources. Materials and Methods The social and economic structure of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces was tribal and based on a pastoral economy, and the collection of heavy taxes from the people led to numerous rebellions and conflicts. Of course, among the rulers of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces during the Nasseri era, Sultan Uwais Mirza Ehtesham al-Dawla was considered a different and exceptional example, who administered the province with a fair and compassionate governance combined with development and settlement. This research, based on the historical research method and the descriptive-analytical method and citing first-hand sources, seeks to answer these questions. What were the political events and social and economic consequences of the rule of the Qajar rulers in Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces? Why did some governors of the province, such as Ehtesham al-Dawla, receive support and support from the people, while others suffered rebellion and war? The research findings show that the appointment of incompetent and ineffective rulers and the collection of heavy taxes have led to constant war and conflict between the people and the government, as well as forced migrations of tribes and clans to neighboring and distant areas, massacres, and a decrease in the population of tribal, rural, and urban areas. Result and Discussion With the death of Mohammad Shah (Shawal 1264 AH), rebellions broke out in some provinces of Iran, including Fars. For example, in Shiraz, the capital of Fars, the opponents of Hussein Khan Nizam al-Dawla, the ruler of Fars, gained a favorable opportunity to clash and expel him from Shiraz. The internal Persian rebellion that occurred in the city of Shiraz led both sides to bloody battles for a while. Finally, the central rulers in Tehran decided to appoint Prince Bahram Mirza to the government of Fars and to arrest and imprison Hussein Khan Nizam al-Dawla. In this way, the conflicts temporarily ended. The author of Nasseri's Farsnameh also emphasizes that with the arrival of Bahram Mirza Mu'ad al-Dawla in Shiraz in Safar 1265 AH, the "riots of the country" in Fars gradually became "calm" and peaceful. However, shortly after Bahram Mirza's rule, the internal situation in Fars became chaotic, and a rebellion broke out in the province of Bushehr. This incident was over the government of Bushehr. Because Bahram Mirza, the ruler of the province of Fars, handed over the government of Bushehr to "Sheikh Nasr Khan, son of Sheikh Abdul Rasul Khan." However, some influential people in Tehran gave the government of Busher to Nazim al-Mulk Shirazi. As a result, there was a conflict between the forces of Sheikh Nasr Khan and Nazim al-Mulk Shirazi over the government of Busher. Sheikh Nasr Khan's forces defeated the new opponents. However, the continuation of the conflict dragged some other provinces of Fars into the conflict. Among them were the armies of Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan - led by Mirza Sultan Mohammad Khan Tabataba'i Behbahani, the governor of the province - who entered the battle to force Sheikh Nasr Khan to surrender. According to first-hand sources, Baqir Khan Tangestani, who "had no cannons or artillery in his camp... sent someone to Mount Kiluyeh [= Mount Gilouyeh]" and asked for cannons and help. Conclusions The ministers of the provinces and provinces in the Qajar period were generally from the Divan and Mustufi classes. They played an important and decisive role in the administration of the provinces and provinces during this period. The administration of all political, military, administrative, and financial affairs of the provinces and provinces was carried out under the supervision of the ministers of the provinces and provinces. The level of efficiency of the ministers became more important during the Qajar period due to the policy of appointing princes as rulers of the provinces and provinces of the country. In the case of the ruler's youth, inexperience or incapacity, the minister of the province and province resolved all regional affairs, but in the case of the ruler's efficiency, the ministers, in addition to handling the administrative and financial affairs of the province and province, served as the link between the central government and the province or province and their representatives, reporting all events in the provinces to the central government. On the other hand, the ministers of the provinces and regions, due to the less accountability of the ruling princes, were subject to reprimand and punishment by the central government in the event of any untoward incident in the provinces and regions. یکی از مهم‌ترین و سودمندترین سیاست قاجارها، فروش ایالات و ولایات بود. در این نوع سیاست، به مزایده گذاشتن معمول بود. ولایت بهبهان و کهگیلویه از جمله مناطقی بود که در عصر ناصری (1264-1313ق) بارها خرید و فروش شد. به تبع این سیاست، حکمرانان ولایت به صورت مکرر تغییر داده می‌شدند؛ زیرا هر حاکمی که در مزایدۀ مالی ولایت، رقم بیشتری را متقبل و متکفل می‌شد، به حکومت می‌رسید. به علاوه، هرگاه حاکم ولایت قادر به تأدیه مالیاتی نبود، خیلی زود معزول و منزوی می‌گشت. این سیاست نادرست در دوره‌های قبل، خاصه عصر صفوی، رایج نبود و همواره بیگلربیگی بهبهان و کهگیلویه در دورۀ صفوی از اهمیت فراوان اقتصادی و سیاسی برخوردار بود. با سقوط صفویان (1135ق) و نابسامانی‌های عصر افشار و زند، ولایت بهبهان و کهگیلویه دیگر دوران پیشین را تجربه نکرد. البته این ولایت از آغاز تا پایان عهد قاجار، از اهمیت سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی برخوردار بود. هرچند عصر ناصری از لحاظ سیاسی-اجتماعی نقطۀ عطفی در ایران عهد قاجار به شمار میآید، اما همچنان شیوۀ مسبوق خرید و فروش ایالات و ولایات و به مزایده گذاشتن مناطق معمول بود و بهبهان و کهگیلویه نیز بدین طریق اداره میشد. حاکمان ولایت برای درآمد و عایدات بیشتر و مالیات افزون‌تر به هر شیوهای دست میزدند و در فزودن آن کوشش میکردند. ساختار اجتماعی و اقتصادی ولایت بهبهان و کهگیلویه، عشیرهای و مبتنی بر اقتصاد شبانی بود و أخذ مالیاتهای سنگین از مردم، شورش‌ها و درگیریهای متعددی در پی داشت. البته در میان حاکمان ولایت بهبهان و کهگیلویه در عهد ناصری، «سلطان اویس میرزا احتشام‌الدوله» نمونه‌ای متفاوت و استثناء محسوب می‌شود که با شیوه حکومت‌داری عادلانه و دلسوزانه توأم با عمران و آبادی، به اداره ولایت پرداخت. این پژوهش بر مبنای روش تحقیق تاریخی و با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استناد به منابع دست اول، در پی آن است به این پرسشها پاسخ دهد که: رخدادهای سیاسی و پیامدهای اجتماعی و اقتصادی حاکمیت فرمانروایان قاجاری در ولایت بهبهان و کهگیلویه چه بوده است؟ چرا برخی حاکمان ولایت -نظیر احتشام‌الدوله- از جانب مردم همراهی و حمایت شدند و بعضی دچار شورش و جنگ؟ یافته‌های پژوهش نشان میدهد که گماشته شدن حکام نالایق و ناکارآمد و أخذ مالیات‌های سنگین، موجب جنگ و جدل مداوم مردم با حکومت و نیز مهاجرتهای اجباری ایلات و طوایف به مناطق هم‌جوار و دوردست و قتل عام و کاهش جمعیت مناطق عشایری، روستایی و شهری می‌شد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105655_14645a1d7d25eeee9fc22ca00213e393.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Documentary narrative of Ali Dashti's embassy in Lebanon and Egypt during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi روایت اسنادی علی دشتی در لبنان و مصر طی حکومت محمدرضا پهلوی 27 52 105098 10.48308/irhj.2024.236592.1350 FA الهام ملک زاده دانشیار پژوهشکده تاریخ، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی(نویسنده مسئول)، تهران، ایران، طیبه ادریسی دانشجوی دکترا تاریخ ایران اسلامی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا. تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 08 14 Introduction During the contemporary history of Iran and especially during the second Pahlavi period, Iran's foreign relations with neighboring countries and European countries entered a sensitive and influential period. Considering the special position of Iran at this time and the creation of various global and international organizations and institutions, Iran tried to strengthen its position among different countries by establishing friendly and good relations with other countries by emphasizing the importance of international relations. Egypt and Lebanon were among the countries with which the officials of Iran's diplomatic system were trying to establish more friendly relations while maintaining diplomatic relations with them, considering the importance of each of them in the sphere of global politics. On the one hand, Iran and Egypt had a special position in the Middle East, which constituted the main powers of the region; On the other hand, the position of each of these two countries in its territory was of special importance. Iran had an effective geopolitical role in the Persian Gulf, Central Asia, and the Caucasus, and Egypt was considered an important power in the Arab world as well as North Africa. Lebanon had a less influential position, but due to its special strategic conditions, the Pahlavi government was willing to establish friendly relations with this country. Ali Dashti, one of the famous Iranian politicians and writers, had the experience of the embassy in both countries and made many efforts to strengthen diplomatic relations with the two countries of Egypt and Lebanon in his political record. Methodology Ali Dashti was a famous journalist, politician, and writer of the Pahlavi period who played a role in various political and cultural sectors both during the period of Reza Shah and during the period of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. He came from a spiritual and respectable family from Bushehr, who, at the end of the Qajar period, when he was young, and after leaving for the cities of Karbala, Shiraz, the plains region, and the regions of Dashtestan and Tangestan, he went to Shiraz and then to Isfahan and Tehran. When he was in Isfahan, he wrote an article in opposition to the 1919 agreement and in Dham Wathuq al-Dawlah, which attracted the attention of politicians. In addition, he started publishing a newspaper called "Shafaq Sorekh", which had a good start. However, due to the articles printed in the newspaper, he was imprisoned several times. Dashti was fluent in French and Arabic. He also translated and published several works in Farsi. He also authored several volumes of books in the field of Persian literature and history. In 1327, despite the existence of many opponents among statesmen, with the vote of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, he was appointed to the embassy of the imperial government of Iran in Cairo and Beirut. His tenure at the Egyptian and Lebanese embassies led to more connections in political, cultural, scientific, and artistic fields. As mentioned, Ali Dashti, from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with the position of Iran's ambassador in Egypt and Lebanon, completed an important mission period, which the present study aims to answer the question of Ali Dashti's embassy in Beirut and examine his performance. What effect did Cairo have on Iran's relations with the two countries of Lebanon and Egypt, and what was its image among the countries of its mission? The research method of this article is based on historical analysis with a descriptive method, which was prepared and compiled by relying on the existing archival documents, both from the National Archives of Iran and the Diplomatic History and Documents Center of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Result and Discussion The result of this research shows the fact that Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, after coming to power, made a lot of efforts to make his diplomatic relations with the countries of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, parallel to European countries, stronger and stronger. With the aim that in this way it can strengthening and prove its position both in the region and in the world. Following this, he strengthened political and diplomatic relations with neighboring countries and the Middle East region. Among these countries were Lebanon and Egypt. Egypt had a special place among Arab and African countries. In this sense, the Shah sent an elite and prominent ambassador to Cairo and Beirut to strengthen his foreign relations, and one of these ambassadors was Ali Dashti. During his embassy in Cairo, Ali Dashti made a lot of efforts to make the relations between Iran and Egypt better and more peaceful. To some extent, he was able to strengthen Iran's cultural, scientific, and political relations with Egypt. He also made great efforts in Beirut, and despite many ups and downs and events that made Iran's relations with Beirut and Cairo cold, he made great progress in this work. He succeeded by establishing diplomatic relations, either at the level of the political leaders of these three countries, and whether the use of cultural interactions with reference groups, such as writers, clerics, and basically, will cause effective openings in the relations between the two countries of Egypt and Lebanon with Iran. Life in the plains was long, adventurous, and full of challenging ideas. Dashti witnessed seven decades of turbulent developments in Iran's contemporary history and was considered one of the main players in those events. He played a role in consolidating the authority of two kings, Reza Shah and his son Mohammad Reza. As long as he was Iran's representative and ambassador in Egypt and Lebanon, Ali Dashti did valuable work to strengthen diplomatic relations and cultural and social relations between Iran and these two countries, but he acted in a dual policy and policy. As a result, during the last term of his embassy, his relations with the king and the court became so strained that he was removed from the position of Ambassador of Iran. Finally, due to his harsh temperament, he was more or less isolated during the period of stability of the Shah, and after the fall of the Pahlavi regime, he wrote the harshest criticisms on the individual behavior and governance of the father and son. Conclusions Ali Dashti's life was long, adventurous, and with challenging opinions. Dashti had witnessed seven decades of turbulent developments in Iran's contemporary history and he was considered one of the main players in those events. He played a significant role in consolidating the power of two kings, Reza Shah and his son, Mohammad Reza. As long as she was Iran's representative and ambassador in Egypt and Lebanon, Ali Dashti did valuable work to strengthen diplomatic relations and cultural and social relations between Iran and these two countries. Still, she acted in a dual policy and political approach. As a result, during the last term of his embassy, his relations with the king and the court became so dark that he was excluded from the position of Ambassador of Iran. Finally, his harsh temperament made him more or less isolated during the Shah's stability period. After the fall of the Pahlavi regime, he wrote the harshest criticisms about individual behavior and his father's and son's governance style. روابط خارجی و برقراری تعاملات دیپلماتیک با کشورهای خارجی، از مهمترین مؤلفههای سیاست خارجی هر کشور است. طی سده گذشته، وزارت امور خارجه ایران سفرای بسیاری را به کشورهای مختلف با سابقه روابط دوستانه اعزام کرده است. این سفرا نیز با توجه به میزان کفایت و قدرت مدیریتی خود، مصدر تعاملات و فعالیت‌های مفید دوطرفه با کشورهایی شدند که محل خدمتشان بود. نتیجۀ عملی این اقدامات هم به تحکیم روابط و بسط تعاملات سیاسی، اقتصادی و فرهنگی دو کشور منجر میشد؛ همچنین باعث کسب وجاهت سفرا به عنوان شخصیت واقعی که دارای برجستگی فرهنگی یا علمی بودند، در کشورهای محل مأموریت می‌گردید. علی دشتی از سوی وزارت امور خارجه با سمت سفیر کبیر ایران در مصر و لبنان، دوره مأموریت مهمی را پشت سر گذاشت که پژوهش حاضر بر آن است با بررسی عملکرد وی، به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که سفارت علی دشتی در بیروت و قاهره، بر روابط ایران با دو کشور لبنان و مصر چه تأثیری گذاشت و اینکه در میان کشورهای محل مأموریت خود چه وجهه‌ای داشت؟ روش پژوهش این مقاله براساس تحلیل تاریخی و با رویکرد توصیفی است که با تکیه بر اسناد آرشیوی موجود، اعم از آرشیو ملی ایران و مرکز اسناد و تاریخ دیپلماسی وزارت امور خارجه تهیه و تدوین شده است. نتیجه مترتب بر این پژوهش نیز حکایت از این دارد که علی دشتی به عنوان نماینده سیاسی کشور ایران و داشتن جایگاه فرهنگی، شناخت عمیق از زبان، ادبیات و فرهنگ کشورهای عربی و تجربیات دیپلماتیک، با ایجاد روابط دوستانه و حسنه با سران دو کشور لبنان و مصر، توانست مناسبات این کشورها با ایران را در سطح مطلوب، ذیل روابط دوستانه ارتقا دهد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105098_8b28f34902f549664322e5ded6f84b32.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Rotations of era and Iranian identity چرخش‌های دورانی و هویت ایرانی 53 77 105104 10.48308/irhj.2024.236911.1363 FA علیرضا ملائی توانی استاد پژوهشکدۀ تاریخ، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران 0009-0004-1144-0543 Journal Article 2024 09 15 Introduction What is the rotation of eras? What is the relationship between the rotation and Iranian identity? What elements have become the main components of Iranian identity during the revolutions? How does the resulting instability and identity crisis end after each cyclical turn? This article tries to explain the process and mechanisms of replacement and fundamental changes in the main components of Iranian identity - especially the introduction of Islam and modernity - based on a series of concepts and ideas, including the concept of " "Cyclical Turn" and reveal the secret of instability and the current crisis of Iranian identity. This is the work that has not been done so far, and it is the difference between this research and previous research. Methodology It should be noted that the method of such a study is not micro-history or detailed approaches (historian), but macro-historical approaches/historical sociology. Identity is a historical matter and a situational phenomenon, in any historical period, elements of it may be replaced by other elements. Therefore, it is not easy to deeply understand the historical identity of Iranians due to the complexities and historical ups and downs of this land. Because it requires an understanding of the cycles of time, historical ruptures, and civilizational evolution (trying to build a new civilization). Erasing is the process of historical transition of a society/civilization from one stage to another (or from one historical era to another). The cyclical rotation includes several stages: 1- the occurrence of the cyclical event; 2- historical break; 3- the Occurrence of a period of chaos, instability, and crisis; 4- Identity transformation is a civilization that continues until reaching the stage of relative peace and stability. The historical era is bigger than historical periods. Each period consists of several periods. Cyclic rotations begin after a big and epoch-making event. Of course, era-making events are among the destructive events in history, but they are not necessarily the most destructive. For example, the Mongols' attack on Iran was far more destructive than Russia's wars with Iran. However, the invasion of the Mongols cannot be considered an era-making event, while the Russian wars are an era-making event for Iranians. In addition to the destruction and failure, epoch-making events are long-term historical processes that leave huge civilizational and social consequences. Era-making events are usually associated with wars and revolutions and lead to the defeat of established power, not necessarily its destruction. It is after this failure that the historical rupture, civilizational transformation, and identity change begin. Because this failure occurs in a situation, where the established civilization has lost its vitality, productivity, and reliability and has failed against powerful invaders. Result and Discussion In the process of cyclical rotation, an important part of the identity elements of defeated peoples/nations are marginalized and even gradually destroyed. But another part of them are saved from destruction due to the various connections and relationships they establish with other parts of the victorious civilization and are reproduced according to the new requirements As a result, new norms, values, attitudes, concepts, knowledge, technologies and orders emerge, which are formed from the dialectic of the past with the new. In addition, at the level of material life, structures, systems, institutions, knowledge, and technologies, proportional and corresponding changes also occur. This complex process is associated with identity transformation, which leads to a new definition of identity. After that, an identity crisis occurs, which continues until reaching the stage of stability. Therefore, an identity crisis means living in fear, despair, and ambiguity. In this situation, a person is left alone, neither has a guide, nor does he know his situation, because one of the consequences is the phenomenon of selflessness and alienation. In such a situation, the previous answers to the questions of who and what we are are no longer effective, and the new answers have not yet been widely accepted. The second epochal turn began with the invasion of the Muslim Arabs and the overthrow of the Sassanid government and continued until the emergence of the renaissance period of Iranian civilization during the Samanid period. Since the long wars with Russia, Iranians have faced a new civilizational challenge known as modernity, the effects of which were horrifying and far more extensive than the Arab invasion. As the country experienced two revolutions (constitutional and Islamic revolution), the collapse of two governments (Qajar and Pahlavi), the emergence of numerous political movements, the emergence of various intellectual currents, land reforms, the settlement of nomads, the emergence of a new middle class, and the eight-year war. Great turns in politics and foreign relations and the like were faced, all of which were part of our activism in facing the turbulent atmosphere of modernity to find identity. Thus, Iran was in two completely different situations in the second and third revolutions. Conclusions If we want to plan the complex process of turning in the history of Iran in a way that can explain the fundamental changes in Iranian identity, we can suggest the following chain: Cyclic rotation: initial stability - occurrence of epoch-making event - failure of established political system - beginning of historical rupture - instability/crisis - transition from crisis - return of stability. The period of instability begins after an era-making event, which is the failure or weakening of the established political system. This time is the beginning of a process that leads to a historical rupture. After that, a critical situation emerges, during which all elements of identity are disorganized, incoherent, and uncoordinated. Because the direction of movement of a society/civilization, the basis of knowledge and understanding, as well as the basis of its social relations, changes. The critical situation continues with intensity and weakness until the full realization of the rotation and reaching stability. This was experienced both with the arrival of Islam and with the arrival of modernity in Iran. Achieving stability is a time-consuming and stressful process. For this reason, some Iranian thinkers have called the crisis period a transition period. The three components of Iranian identity, i.e., Iran, Islam, and modernity, are living, effervescent, and flowing elements, and due to their dynamics, they constantly influence and moderate each other. هویت فردی و اجتماعی انسان‌ها در تاریخ و جامعه ساخته میشود و در گذر زمان به‌تدریج تغییر می‌یابد. این تغییر البته آهنگ و حرکت مشخصی ندارد، اما روشن است که برخی عناصر و مؤلفه‌های هویتی کهن جای خود را به عناصر جدید می‌دهند و بدین ترتیب، هویت انسانی همواره بازسازی و بازنگری می‌شود. با این همه، در تاریخ بشر زمان‌های خاصی وجود دارد که حرکت و آهنگ تغییرات شتاب می‌گیرد؛ یعنی دامنۀ تغییرات در هویت فردی و جمعی عمیق، گسترده و معنادار می‌شود. نگارنده این زمان‌های خاص را «چرخش دورانی» نامیده است. در تاریخ بشر چرخش‌های دورانی اندکی رخ داده است. مسئلۀ این مقاله ارزیابی نسبت میان هویت ایرانی و چرخش‌های دورانی در تاریخ است. مقاله می‌کوشد به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که چرخش‌های دورانی در تاریخ ایران کدام‌اند و چرا هویت ایرانی را دچار بحران و سرانجام تغییرات ژرف و معنادار کرده‌اند؟ نگارنده برای پاسخ به این مسئله از روش توصیفی–تحلیلی بر پایۀ رهیافت کلان‌نگر تاریخی/ جامعه‌شناسی تاریخی بهره گرفته است؛ زیرا اقتضای چنین بحث‌هایی کلی‌نگری است که در اینجا جایگزین نگرش‌های جزئی‌نگر (مورخانه) شده است. مقاله سرانجام به این نتیجه می‌رسد که در تاریخ ایران سه چرخش دورانی رخ داده است: نخست، فرایند همبستگی و انسجام اقوام پراکنده بومی، مهاجمان و مهاجران در قالب تمدن باستانی ایران بر بنیاد ایرانشهر که موضوع این نوشتار نیست. دوم، فرایندی است که از سقوط ساسانیان آغاز و تا تثبیت حکومت سامانیان تداوم می‌یابد و سوم، فرایندی است که از جنگ‌های ایران و روسیه آغاز شده و تا کنون ادامه دارد. در هر دو چرخش دورانی، هم گسست تاریخی و هم تغییرات هویتی-تمدنی بزرگی رخ داد و هم راه تازه‌ای آغاز شد. پیامد طبیعی این چرخش‌ها پدیدار شدن بحران هویت بود. اکنون آثار عمیق هر سه چرخش دورانی در هویت اکنونی ایرانیان هویدا و پابرجاست.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105104_f18969c1b2b46eff92957009af290e27.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Investigation and Comparative Study of Three Party Diplomacy of the Soviet Union in Iran: (Iranian Communist Party, Tudeh Party of Iran, and Azerbaijani Democratic Party) بررسی و مقایسه تطبیقی سه دیپلماسی حزبی شوروی در ایران (حزب کمونیست ایران، حزب توده و فرقۀ دموکرات آذربایجان) 78 106 105257 10.48308/irhj.2025.237328.1376 FA مهجبین احمدی خوی دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، ایران. علیرضا علی صوفی دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه پیام نور، ایران Journal Article 2024 10 30 Introduction Soviet Union Party diplomacy in Iran during World War II is a chapter in the two states' relations that focuses on the role of the Tudeh Party of Iran as the Soviet agent and its relations with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Soviets, considering the negative public reactions in Iran regarding Tsarist Russia, decided to proceed with its interests, which were imperialistic interests through local agents. The agents of the Soviet Union in the Tudeh Party were tasked to incorporate the nationalistic spirit of the people against British forces and mobilized the militias in the government, universities, and schools, and even in the army to confront any American and British influence to have control over the constantly changing political dynamics of Iran. Tudeh party, along with the Soviet agents, benefited from twenty years of Soviet cooperation with Iranian communists with the Firgha Edalat and the Communist Party of Iran. This research shed light on the history of cooperation among Iranian communists and the Workers' Social Democratic Party of Russia, and later on the Bolsheviks. The party diplomacy of the Soviet Union pursued the Soviet interests in Iran in the absence of effective official diplomacy with the then-government of Iran. The party diplomacy was implemented through intermediaries such as the Communist Party of Iran and the Tudeh Party of Iran. These agents were financed, trained, and organized as an Iranian political faction within the political sphere of Iran. While they pursued their party interest in parallel with other political parties, they were instructed by Soviet Communist Party agents to proceed with political purposes that favored the Soviets in Iran. These party agents were successful in organizing these communist political entities to the extent that they could broadly admit as many young generations from different social classes. This momentum provided Soviet party diplomacy in Iran with an effective tool that distinguished it from the force-based Tsar diplomacy of Russia. Public opposition to the Russians and negative images of the past encouraged the soviets to incorporate the indirect influences of parties, which mostly proclaimed freedom of the masses and opposition to British imperialism. Materials and Methods This research incorporates imperialism theories as its theoretical background within a comparative perspective. The Soviet imperialistic interest in Iran is assessed through a careful understanding of the Soviet Union's needs and priorities. The definition of democratic centrality and the role of Stalinist Soviet apparatus in solidifying this concept among communist party agents in other states and the development of Communist International based on Leninist ideas allows us a better understanding of Tudeh party agents regarding Soviet Union influence in its periphery. The three steps of the communist party establishment and organization will depict the formulation of the relations between Communists and the Soviets. The establishment of the Tudeh Party of Iran was a climax in which the Soviets progressed well to teach, organize, and benefit from a non-official diplomacy through party ranks and within the government and the majlis. The ups and downs of Soviet party diplomacy in Iran are scrutinized in the following episodes: 1. Soviet occupation of Iran, Azerbaijan 2. Tudeh party coalition of progressive elements in the fourteenth convocation of the parliament, and 3. Ghavam's stagnation policy. Through the Soviet occupation of Iran’s Azerbaijan province, the communist party agents of Azerbaijan encouraged Stalin to initiate supporting local agents in Iran’s Azerbaijan province, who were members of the Tudeh party. Soviet officials, watching the success of party diplomacy in the establishment of a network of political agents, rushed to convince the Tudeh party to share its capabilities in the civil and military aspects, which the Tudeh party achieved during many years by penetrating civil and military apparatuses. Soviet party diplomacy was to some extent successful by supporting party elements during the fourteenth convocation of Majlis Shura which some of whom were elected as MPs. The fraction of the Tudeh party was able to paralyze rotated government's decisions and proposed bills. Ghavam was the only prime minister who embarked on negotiations with Soviet officials resulting in an effective official diplomacy between Iran and the Soviet Union. Reviving official channels, the Soviet Party diplomacy was shadowed by prompt exchanges between the two states and the designation of Soviet ambassador to Tehran. Result and Discussion The Tudeh Party of Iran acted as an assistant to the Soviet party diplomacy for seven years. The Soviet party diplomacy, considering the occupation of Iran during the war and the public negative perspective on its presence and the Tsarist Russian occupation of the north of Iran, acted vigilantly. The Tudeh agents were partly successful in the Majlis due to the resistance of all progressive forces against the British-backed faction of old conservatism led by Seyed Zia Tabatabaei. Mossadegh and independent members of parliament empowered the anti-British campaign in the Majlis, which resulted in a wave of no-confidence votes and a discredited government that partly benefited the Soviet Union. The Soviets pressured the Tudeh party to oppose any prime minister and his cabinet, which was, not intend to bow to their interests. The Tudeh party of Iran was not successful in convincing the Majlis and the government to grant the Soviets oil concessions in the Iranian Northern provinces. This is partly due to Ghavam's stagnation policy, which at the same time negotiated with Stalin and Molotov a plan to end the occupation instead of the promised oil concessions. Ghavam also accepted three Tudeh party members in his cabinet for Soviet appeasement. The stagnation policy of Ghavam fruited as the Soviets stepped to slow down their party diplomacy in an apparent redirection of their policy toward a warmer approach to government and the Shah of Iran. The party diplomacy of the Soviet Union is considered an instrument of that state to achieve its imperialistic interests through an indirect way by Iranian Communist agents. This research, through the study of many accessible sources that were already discussed by researchers, opened a new discussion over the rationale of the Soviet Union's reliance on communist elements in Iran. Using the concepts of party diplomacy, comprehensively explains twenty years of Soviet- Iranian interactions. On how the Iranian communist elements matured from a workers' organized entity in the Caucasus to communist parties as effective and influential elements during the most turbulent years of Iranian politics between the two world wars. This theme may open new discussions on different forms of diplomatic presence of foreign powers in the Pahlavi era of Iran. Soviet indirect imperialism necessitated incorporating loyal communist elements, which was achieved through educating Iranian students in Europe, mostly Germany, dissidents to Reza Shah's dictatorial politics. These students were contacted by Soviet elements in France and Germany to work and admit more students to their organizations. Later on, the communists among students joined the Caucasus members of the Edalat organization and established the Communist Party of Iran. Tudeh's party was enriched by these mature elements, which were supported and financed by the soviet embassy in Tehran. Party politics of the Soviet Union allowed it to conduct its foreign policy through indirect channels, with the possibility of more success as the Soviet Union was occupied with official war diplomacy. Even after Tudeh's party was dissolved. Its student and officers’ organization organized street protests and outlet propaganda favored Soviet and party politics. Conclusions This research provides a fresh perspective on Soviet- Iran relations based on the party diplomacy of the Soviet Union in Iran. The Soviet Union incorporated the Third International Communist in Europe to attract Iranian students who opposed Reza Shah's dictatorship and organized them with the workers' apparatus of the Caucasus within a communist organization. The European political arm of the Soviets enabled the organization of Iranian communists and consequently led formation of a party, which was an instrumental tool for Soviet policy in Iran. The Tudeh Party of Iran and its affiliated organizations balanced the Iranian government's broadening relations with the United States and challenged state approaches toward the latter. This research concludes that the Tudeh party achieved some of its goals to prevent governments from taking hostile approaches toward Soviet masters. It was unable to change the course of action in favor of the Soviet Union. Partly due to mistakes of the Tudeh party, especially regarding the Firgha Democrat, and for its role played in negotiation on north of Iran oil concessions. In Conclusion, when the Soviets achieved higher confidence in dealing with the royal court and the government in Iran, party diplomacy was shadowed by official diplomacy in Iran. Acknowledgement This paper is based on a Ph.D. thesis and has been conducted under thesis supervisor and advisor. The Researcher appreciates the technical assistance offered for the conduct of this research. This research has received no financial aid or grant and it has been organized independently by the writers. دیپلماسی حزبی شوروی در ایران یکی از مراحل روابط ایران و شوروی میان سالهای ۱۳۲۰ تا ۱۳۲۷ش. به شمار می‌رود. دیپلماسی حزبی شوروی در ایران، با در نظر داشتن ضعف دولت مرکزی به عنوان عاملی برای نفوذ با کمترین اصطکاک با افکار عمومی ایران، طراحی شده بود. این پژوهش درصدد است پاسخ دهد که چگونه شوروی توانست دیپلماسی حزبی خود را به عنوان مکمل دیپلماسی رسمی در فاصله سال‌های 1320-1327ش. در ایران به اجرا بگذارد؟ جهت پاسخ به سوال حاضر نوشتار پیش‌رو رویکرد شوروی به ایران را در قالب دیپلماسی حزبی مبتنی بر به کارگیری مجموعه‌های حزبی و غیردولتی در جهت اهداف خود از طریق بررسی کتابخانه‌ای و سندی با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی سازماندهی می‌کند. یافته پژوهش حاکی از آن است شوروی با به کارگیری ایدئولوژی کمونیسم و استفاده از سازمان سیاسی و تشکیلات حزب کمونیست و بعد حزب توده، تلاش کرد تا در دوره سردی روابط منافع خود را از طریق دیپلماسی حزبی و عناصر حزبی وابسته پیش برد. حزب کمونیست ایران اولین گام شوروی برای به کارگیری نهادی غیردولتی در جهت اهداف خود بود. دیپلماسی حزبی شوروی، با هدف کنترل مجلس و کابینه در بلندمدت، حزب توده را به عنوان یک حزب فراگیر به کار گرفت. با ممنوعیت این حزب، برای اجرای سیاست‌ها به تاکتیک‌های ایذایی و تظاهرات خیابانی روی آورد. نخست‌وزیری مصدق نیز ثابت کرد که براساس منافع شوروی، حزب توده نمی‌توانست حزبی ملی‌گرا و استقلال‌طلب باشد. فرقه دموکرات هم با هدف کوتاه‌مدت ایجاد منطقۀ حائل با حکومتی خودمختار شبیه به آذربایجان تحت تسلط شوروی در جنگ جهانی دوم و اشغال ایران توسط شوروی، حمایت و سازماندهی شد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که شوروی تا حدی با استفاده از حزب توده توانست هدف خود مبنی بر کنترل بر مجلس را محقق سازد؛ اما فرقۀ دموکرات به دلایل گوناگون نتوانست در این امر موفق باشد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105257_ca57a8f082f2929a74ff3c0e57cf421e.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Examining the Role of Headmen (Kadkhoda) in the Settlement of Nomads in Fars بررسی نقش کدخداهای ایلات در اسکان عشایر فارس 107 131 105317 10.48308/irhj.2025.237409.1378 FA سلیمان حیدری دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران. زیبا غفوری دانش آموخته دکتری گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران. Journal Article 2024 11 03 Introduction In the past, nomadic tribes played a decisive role in Iran's political history due to their power and influence. This prominent role of nomads was preserved until the era of Reza Shah Pahlavi. During his reign, efforts were made to diminish the tribes' power by implementing policies such as the establishment of a national army and disarmament campaigns. Various reasons have been cited for Reza Shah's focus on settling the nomadic tribes. One significant factor was their lack of obedience to the central government. The tribes primarily followed their tribal leaders and chiefs, who addressed their needs, solved problems, and managed tribal affairs. As a result, not only did the tribes obey their leaders, but they also supported them in conflicts and wars when necessary. Reza Shah sought to reduce the power of the tribes by transforming their way of life and livelihood, thereby bringing them under state control. Starting in 1927, he launched a campaign to disarm the tribes, conscript their young men into the national army, and settle them permanently. This initiative aimed to eliminate rival powers and address issues such as tribal rebellions, insecurity caused by certain factions, and the tribes' resistance to central authority. Other goals included enhancing the country's military capabilities, reducing the tribes' military strength by absorbing their youth into the national army, modernizing tribal society, fostering national unity by integrating the nomads into the educational system, and promoting loyalty to the Shah and patriotism. To achieve these objectives, the Pahlavi administration established institutions such as the "Settlement Administration" and the "Settlement and Development Administration" to enforce settlement policies. A crucial component of this process was appointing a local leader, known as the Kadkhoda, from among the tribes or sub-tribes. This individual served as a liaison between the government and the tribes, playing a pivotal role in implementing settlement laws. In all historical records related to the settlement of nomads in the Fars province, the Kadkhoda is mentioned as the key figure responsible for organizing and executing tribal affairs during the settlement process. This study seeks to answer two central questions: What were the reasons for the selection and appointment of the Kadkhoda in the settlement process? What responsibilities did the Kadkhoda undertake in the settlement of the Fars nomadic tribes? Materials and Methods The research methodology in this study is based on a historical approach, employing descriptive and analytical methods. The data collection process relies on library research and is grounded in the examination of thirty-eight accessible files available at the National Archives and Library Organization (SAKMA). Documents and resources relevant to the study were reviewed in libraries, research centers, and online databases. After careful analysis, the necessary information was extracted through note-taking and subsequently analyzed. Result and Discussion According to Article 3 of the Settlement Regulations for the Tribes and Nomads of Fars, issued by the Ministry of Interior to the province of Fars on May 9, 1934, it was required to appoint an individual as the Kadkhoda for each tribe and sub-tribe to assist with the settlement process. It is worth noting that the Kadkhoda had to be a member of the respective tribe or sub-tribe and trusted by the elders and leaders of the group, as well as the majority of its members. This individual was tasked with various responsibilities in facilitating the settlement of the nomads. The duties of the Kadkhoda can be categorized into the following areas: Connection with the Central Government: The selected Kadkhodas acted as intermediaries between the tribes and the central government. They were responsible for conveying all information regarding tribal issues and challenges to government officials and, in turn, communicating government directives and policies to the tribes. The Kadkhodas worked closely with government authorities and were tasked with facilitating the settlement process and overseeing socio-economic transformation. Implementation of Settlement Policies: After the enforcement of nomadic settlement policies, the Kadkhodas appointed by the government played the role of executive agents. These Kadkhodas were tasked with implementing settlement policies at the tribal level and facilitating the process of settling the nomads. The specific responsibilities of the Kadkhodas in this regard will be discussed in detail below: Receiving Household Lists and Reporting to Authorities in Case of Settlement Evasion: Upon the appointment of the Kadkhoda, the first step involved providing him with the list of households from the respective tribe or sub-tribe, as well as the statistical records of their livestock. The Kadkhoda was responsible for promptly addressing issues such as the escape of any household from designated settlement areas or the submission of inaccurate livestock data intended to obtain shepherding permits. In such cases, he was required to take immediate action and report the matter to higher authorities. Obliging Tribes to Build Houses and Settle: The Kadkhoda was tasked with ensuring that the members of the tribes under his supervision committed to constructing buildings and houses. One of the primary goals of the nomadic settlement policy was to transition the tribes to a sedentary lifestyle. As part of this initiative, not only were the tribes expected to settle, but also the nomadic lifestyle, particularly the use of black tents (Siah Chador), was to be entirely abolished. Families were required to reside in houses they built themselves. Consequently, laws were enacted to ban nomadic practices, specifically prohibiting the use of black tents. Simultaneously, the black tents were confiscated and their use prohibited. Tribe members were obliged to construct houses, and the Kadkhoda was responsible for enforcing the prohibition of black tents and ensuring that families complied with building permanent homes. Encouraging Farming and Land Ownership: Another responsibility of the Kadkhoda was to oblige the tribes to engage in farming and agriculture. The Kadkhoda was tasked with breaking the tribes away from their nomadic lifestyle and transforming them into sedentary agricultural peasants. The official decree for the Kadkhodas explicitly stated that they should encourage households to participate in agricultural activities, provide "farming facilities" and "other agricultural resources" for them, and prevent any negligence or slackness in farming endeavors. Alignment with Government Policies: In addition to implementing the settlement program, the Kadkhodas were tasked with aligning with the government and enforcing its policies. They played a guiding and supervisory role in collaborating with the state to establish order and discipline among the tribes and within the newly settled villages. Their responsibilities included collecting weapons, conscripting soldiers, and ensuring that individuals obtained identity documents. The reduction of tribal power through major government policies, such as disarmament and limiting their economic independence, marked a turning point in Iran's social transformations during the Pahlavi I era. These measures not only strengthened the government's direct oversight in tribal areas but also led to profound changes in the social identity of the tribes. Furthermore, the settlement process, as a tool for transforming nomadic communities into sedentary societies, altered the structure of power and the social relations between individuals and the central government. Conclusions The Kadkhoda, as a significant figure in the social structure of tribes and clans, played a vital role in the settlement and organization of nomadic communities. The responsibilities of the Kadkhoda in relation to the settlement of tribes were extensive and diverse. On one hand, he was responsible for managing the affairs of the tribes and addressing their issues and challenges. On the other hand, he worked to align tribal communities with the objectives of the government. In this capacity, the Kadkhoda was tasked with integrating nomads into the sedentary, agricultural, and peasant society of traditional rural Iran. His efforts included encouraging tribes to settle, adopt a sedentary lifestyle, build permanent homes, and engage in agriculture. Moreover, he was responsible for collecting weapons from the tribes, facilitating conscription, and ensuring that clan members obtained official identification documents. The Kadkhoda also had responsibilities related to reporting, coordination, and collaboration with the Settlement Administration. He was required to provide accurate information about the number of tribe members, their livestock, and other resources to the settlement officers, correcting and completing any inaccuracies. Thus, the Kadkhoda was one of the most critical pillars in the implementation of the tribal settlement policies in Fars. Undoubtedly, without this position, advancing the settlement process among the tribes would have been impossible or extremely challenging. اسکان عشایر یکی از تحولات اجتماعی، سیاسی و اقتصادی مهم در تاریخ معاصر ایران است. ایلات و عشایر در طول تاریخ ایران همواره به عنوان یکی از وزنه‌های قدرت بر سرنوشت ایران تاثیر گذارده‌اند. استان فارس نیز یکی از سکونتگاه‌های مهم ایلات و عشایر در طول تاریخ بوده است. در دوره پهلوی اول هنگامی که دولت تصمیم به اسکان ایلات و عشایر گرفت، با انتصاب فردی با عنوان کدخدا سعی در اجرای قوانین مذکور در اجتماع ایلی نمود. در این راستا پژوهش حاضر درصدد پاسخ به این دو پرسش است که علل انتخاب و انتصاب کدخدا در امر اسکان چه بود؟ و همچنین کدخدا چه وظایفی در اسکان ایلات و عشایرفارس برعهده داشت؟ بر اساس یافته‌های پژوهش به واسطه آنکه هیچ کس جز اعضای ایلات و طوایف از آنها شناخت کافی نداشتند، انتخاب فردی از اعضای طوایف و تیره‌ها به عنوان کدخدا بهترین راه برای پیشبرد امور بود. این منصب به واسطه‌ای میان حکومت و اعضای ایلات تبدیل شده و وظیفه اجرای قوانین و مقررات و منویات دولت در ایلات را برعهده گرفت. فعالیت‌هایی نظیر جمع‌آوری اعضای طوایف، ساماندهی و نظم بخشیدن به آنها، الزام به ترک سیاه چادر و ساخت ساختمان و خانه در محل‌های در نظر گرفته شده برای اسکان، الزام خانواده‌های اسکان یافته به انجام زراعت و کشاورزی، معرفی مشمولین سربازی و غیره از مواردی بود که کدخدا وظیفه انجام و پیگری آن را در میان ایل برعهده داشت. پژوهش حاضر به روش تاریخی و مبتنی بر رویکرد توصیفی و تحلیلی بوده و روش گردآوری اطلاعات نیز کتابخانه‌ای و مبتنی بر اسناد است.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105317_94936400ad66a42b368fe7236804ec10.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Cultural impact of cholera and plague epidemics in Iran (4th to 6th centuries AH) تأثیر فرهنگی بیماری‌های همه‌گیر وبا و طاعون در ایران ( سده‌های چهارم تا ششم هجری) 132 156 105344 10.48308/irhj.2025.237892.1384 FA اعظم رحیمی جابری استادیار گروه آموزش تاریخ، دانشگاه فرهنگیان، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 12 08 Introduction Despite the advancements in medical knowledge during the period of Islamic Iran and the transfer of Indian, Chinese, and Greek medical insights to the Islamic world, which intermingled with Iranian medicine and led to the emergence of numerous medical schools, traditional Iranian medicine has consistently faced a crisis in treating infectious diseases such as cholera and plague due to a lack of understanding of their nature. Epidemic diseases, which spread as a result of environmental factors, population density, and lifestyle choices, were considered one of the most pressing issues in the early centuries of Iranian society, leaving harmful effects. Historical reports indicate that these epidemics were deadly, often resulting in such high death tolls that people were unable to bury the deceased. The causes of these diseases, their modes of transmission, the duration of their spread, and the public's reactions to them are all significant issues worthy of attention. Although many epidemic diseases have been controlled in recent centuries due to advancements in medical science and increased public awareness, the outbreak of COVID-19 demonstrated that this issue continues to impact human society. According to what was said; Among the terrible crises that appeared repeatedly during the past centuries of Iran and left destructive and deep effects on the body of the society,the outbreak of deadly diseases, cholera and plague, and due to its long persistence in one area and its power of contagion from one place to another, had numerous cultural and social consequences that the society was affected by these effects. Therefore, understanding the causes of diseases, their transmission, and countermeasures can help mitigate their consequences. Given the importance and necessity of this subject, the current research aims to address the question of how the epidemic diseases of cholera and plague and their frequent outbreaks had cultural consequences in Iran from the 4th to the 6th centuries Hijri. The hypothesis posited is that the spread of these diseases has had destructive effects on the cultural and social structures of society. Materials and Methods The current research employs a combined method of description, explanation, and library resource exploration. The materials extracted from primary sources and recent studies have been organized by subject type and chronological order. Subsequently, the data from these sources have been assessed according to historical criteria and the authenticity of the materials, prioritizing documents and the reliability of the narrator. Regarding the background of the research, it should be said that although there have been various studies about cholera and plague epidemics, dealing with the different effects of these diseases in the cultural and social sectors of Iran, in the mentioned centuries, is the innovation of the present research. However, regarding the background of this issue, we can mention these things; A thesis entitled "Natural events of the Jebel province and its consequences from the rise of Islam to the Mongol invasion" is by Marzieh Asadi I (2013); In this work, he has generally investigated the types of natural disasters in the province of Jebel and investigated their consequences with an emphasis on other natural disasters with sudden effects such as earthquakes, floods, snow and cold, etc.; However, regarding the background of this issue, we can mention these things; A thesis entitled "Natural events of the Jebel province and its consequences from the rise of Islam to the Mongol invasion" is by Marzieh Asadi I (2013); In this work, he has generally investigated the types of natural disasters in the province of Jebel and investigated their consequences with an emphasis on other natural disasters with sudden effects such as earthquakes, floods, snow and cold, etc. The article Natural Disasters and Disasters in the Middle Ages of Iranian History, written by Imam Ali Shabani and Hamida Mehr Ali Tabar (1392), deals with the consequences of natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods, droughts, snow, cold, and storms. According to the above material, it can be said that this research specifically and with emphasis on the negative effects of cholera and plague epidemics in the cultural and social dimensions of Iran in the period in question. Result and Discussion Studying the history of infectious diseases can help to understand the current and future conditions. Plague, cholera, and recently coronavirus have had profound effects on political, economic, social, and even cultural life. The most important environmental factors of the spread of cholera and plague epidemics, Polluted weather, and the presence of dead animals, have been mentioned. In addition to natural factors, human factors also had an effect in intensifying the spread of the disease. The treatment approach of epidemic diseases was based on; Traditional medicine, religious medicine, and treatment were based on superstitions. One of the most important sources of knowledge of Iranian medicine is traditional medicine, based on which mental and physical health is dependent on the balance of the four elements (soil, wind, water, fire) in the body, and the disruption of their proportions leads to disease. From the doctors' point of view, the reason for the phlegm balance to be disturbed was the inhalation of the infectious air of the plague, which eventually led to the plague. Therefore, to prevent the progress of the disease, hygiene was carried out in the form of a necessary set, based on which it was suggested to protect the body against infectious air by leaving the said air or creating a closed and quarantined space. Medicine is based on Islamic thinking and rulings based on Quranic verses, narrations attributed to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and Shia Imams (PBUH), and it emphasizes prevention and treatment through foods, simple medicines, and appeal to God. Believing in superstitions instead of understanding the facts was also considered a way to cure the disease, but in fact, these delusions were the reason for the spread of the disease. Anyway, considering that the society suffered a lot of difficulties and mental problems during the outbreak of epidemic diseases and the resulting casualties, and as a result, it turned to superstitions to relieve itself. Therefore, he can save himself from this crisis. In this way, these diseases have many cultural and social consequences, such as; It resulted in the restriction of holding cultural rituals and the lack of community leaders, which caused mental and emotional problems in addition to physical damage; The reflection of these consequences is visible in the works of poets and writers. The consequences of infectious diseases in the field of thought were no less than population losses, and as a phenomenon, it became a problem for human destiny and was reflected in the belief trends of Islamic religions. In the sources of the Islamic period, one can see the popular opinion of Iranians, including clerics and ordinary people, about epidemic diseases, who were interested in interpreting the nature of diseases and their connection with the issue of divine grace and wrath; That these diseases are a source of mercy and forgiveness of sins for the believers and a source of punishment for the misguided. Conclusions The spread of infectious diseases in Iran, attributed to various factors, has always been regarded as a significant challenge to social life. Despite advancements in medical knowledge, these diseases remained prevalent and resulted in many casualties. Furthermore, they profoundly affected various cultural and social foundations, weakening these structures in multiple ways. This type of disease, regardless of social status or age, affects all strata of society, leading to the dispersion of people, insecurity, and the weakening of cultural institutions and customs. It also attracted educated and useful individuals, who were the minority in society, resulting in a decline of rationality. Instead, profit-seeking individuals intervened in unexpected events and the mental suffering of the populace, inducing a sense of philanthropy that served their interests. Particularly during the height of diseases, the market for superstitions, populism, and commercial abuses related to the promotion of ineffective drugs flourished. Although the psychological and internal effects of superstitions were more widely accepted in these cases, they equally hindered personal effort and creativity. Furthermore, the consequences of epidemics were reflected in literature and poetry, influencing intellectual discourse, particularly regarding the notion of people's guilt as a primary cause of disease spread. واکاوی تأثیر بیماری‌های همه‌گیر وبا و طاعون در ایران سده‌های چهارم تا ششم قمری از پدیده‌های قابل توجه تاریخ اجتماعی به شمار می‌آید؛ زیرا با پیشرفت‌های مهم مکاتب علم پزشکی و راهکارهای مختلف درمانی، بیماری‌های همه‌گیر همچنان دامنگیر اجتماع انسانی است و پیامدهای مهمی بر تحولات فرهنگی و اجتماعی بر جای می‌گذارد. قدرت و سرعت انتقال این بیماری‌ها که به دلایل محیطی و انسانی همچون سبک زندگی مردم صورت می‌گیرد، به سادگی برای بشر قابل‌ کنترل نیست. بنابراین شناخت ماهیت این بیماری‌ها و راهکارهای مقابله‌ای می‌تواند از تبعات جبران‌ناپذیر آن بکاهد. بر همین اساس، پژوهش پیشِ رو با طرح این پرسش محوری که بیماری‌های همه‌گیر وبا و طاعون چگونه و چه پیامدی بر ساختارهای فرهنگی داشته‌اند؟ این موضوع سرنوشت‌ساز را با رویکرد توصیفی- تحلیلی و مبتنی بر اطلاعات کتابخانه‌ای به بحث و بررسی گذاشته است. یافته‌های پژوهش حکایت از آن دارد که بیماری‌های همه‌گیر وبا و طاعون در این مقطع از تاریخ ایران (چهارم تا ششم قمری)، پیامد منفی بر نهادهای فرهنگی و اجتماعی داشته است. یکی از بارزترین تأثیرات آن، پراکندگی و کاهش جمعیت بوده است که در این بین، فقدان مفاخر فرهنگی و سیاسی که اقلیّت جامعه را تشکیل می‌دهند، محسوس بود؛ زیرا جامعه را از عقلانیت و خدمات اجتماعی آنان محروم می‌کرد و در عوض افراد سودجو با گسترش خرافات و عوام‌گرایی و ایجاد ناامنی، جامعه را به ورطه افول و اضمحلال سوق می‌دادند. علاوه بر این، پیامد بیماری‌های همه‌گیر در ادبیات و شعر نیز بازتاب داشته و بر حوزۀ اندیشه و نگرش جامعه تأثیرگذار بوده است.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105344_f1c775f5dcb43a2d56e724ddeecd9240.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Rereading the Hidden Transcript of Iranian Society in the Constitutional Revolution بازخوانی رونوشت پنهان جامعه ایران در انقلاب مشروطیت 157 187 105353 10.48308/irhj.2025.237263.1372 FA مهدی نجف زاده دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد ایران وحید سینائی دانشیار علوم سیاسی دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد زهرا محمدپور دهسرخی دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران Journal Article 2024 10 16 Introduction The investigation of the political action of the Iranian society before the constitutional revolution shows that a large part of the society's protest against the government was manifested in the form of silent stability and hidden copies. These transcripts were formulated in contrast to the official narrative of the government abroad or private circles and secret associations, away from the supervision of the authoritarian government, or in the field of literature, and secret situations. Absolutism of arbitrary government, lack of accountability, backwardness, inefficiency, and general repression are among the reasons of Iranian society for shaping the hidden transcript of this era. The most important shortcoming of this period is the lack of law. According to Adamit, during this period, there was no strong legal system in Iran that met all the conditions or at least the most important features of the rule of law. Equality, which is the essence of the rule of law, had no real meaning, and individual desire prevailed both in tradition and custom. Therefore, there was no mention of human safety and social justice. However, any obvious movement towards reforming and establishing the law by the autocratic government and reactionary clergy will be suppressed and silenced. This forced the Iranians to turn to covert activities by using the conservative measures that they had used throughout history in the face of tyranny. Around the end of Naser al-Din Shah's reign, groups of people secretly discussed the desirability of getting rid of tyranny and the benefits of freedom and justice. After the murder of Nasir al-Din Shah, they became more active in the capital and the provinces, and after many discussions, they decided to coordinate their actions to overthrow the tyranny and establish a set of laws and justice. Such thoughts gradually penetrated the culture of the society and were manifested in the form of secret copies, and secret activities began in Tehran and other cities in a wide field, which eventually led to the constitutional revolution. Materials and Methods In the present research, we have benefited from the text analysis method. The starting point of this method is the careful examination of the text. In this sense, the speakers of the text, the process of its production, showing the effect of the two sides of the text and the context (political, socio-historical of the text), paying attention to the special conditions of the production of the text, continuous and successive changes of the meaning of the text and the dialectical relationship of power and the text are investigated. In this way, the researcher can understand the obvious and hidden angles of attitude, the worldview of people, and the hidden thoughts in the documents that are studied. Based on this, in the method of text analysis, the spoken or written text, or what is called social discourses, must be consistent with the systematic analysis of their social context. In this sense, the analysis of the text must also analyze the form or structure, and organization of the text. In other words, at the same time, we have to analyze the content of the text, its structure and context. Based on this, it is necessary to pay attention to the four main components: reference, presuppositions, implications, and inferences. Therefore, for reading texts and their social relationship, four components should be examined. 1. What is the author's desired word, and what does it refer to? 2. Based on which intellectual and social backgrounds did the author speak, and what role did his social experiences play in this? 3. How can you understand what the difference is between what the authors had and what he wrote? 4. What conclusion does a text, work, or speech faced in the social arena or among its readers and listeners? Result and Discussion Iran's authoritarian political structure, along with political and social instability, has caused the Iranian society to show dual ways in its individual and social behavior. In conservatively estimating the scope of power, he performs a show of submission and satisfaction and in the social arena; he shows his agreement with the official approaches of building power. However, at the same time, he is also busy creating hidden discourse, and in situations where he is faced with the weakness of the power structure, he has been able to reveal this hidden discourse and challenge the political power in a collective action. Therefore, power in Iran has its meaning in a network of social relations, and the resistance and escape routes of the oppressed society against the stubbornness of the superior power are abundantly found, and the hidden transcript is an arena of these resistances and narratives, which gives Iranians the opportunity to face the power freely express their personal opinions in criticism of dominance. Based on this, here, we will examine the most important forms of manifestation of the hidden transcript of Iranian society on the eve of the constitutional revolution. In this period, the government's weakness and inability to manage the country, and the inability and reluctance of the government apparatus to advance political and economic reforms, provided the ground for the emergence of hidden transcripts that were a reflection of confrontation with tyranny, justice, and modernism. These transcripts ranged from accompanying the ruling ideology to the formation of secret assemblies and associations, emerging in the field of anonymity, and embellishing the summaries of the deepest desires and wishes of the society to renew and replace the rule of law instead of the ruler's tyranny. Based on this, the scope of new ideas expanded through these copies, and the criticism of the government and the country's backwardness rose, and the courage to express a narrative that had been suppressed for a long time was revealed in the constitutional revolution. Conclusions Using the theoretical model of Scott's hidden narrative, this article seeks a new understanding of the behavior and political texts of Iranian society during the constitutional revolution. The authoritarian political structure of the Iranian society, along with other structures of the society, has caused the aspects of the silent resistance of the Iranian society to be immune from the violence of the dominant elites to be widely manifested in secret transcripts. In this way, by emphasizing on numerous historical examples, it can be shown that the logic of the formation of secret transcripts in Iranian society and its scope and difference from public transcripts compared to some societies is influenced by the social structure of this society, which was formed during a long process and to some extent, It is fixed. Based on this, on the eve of the constitutional revolution and beyond the political suffocation and the conquest of the public sphere, many intellectuals and writers were able to rely on the traditions of the society in secretive thinking and conservatism, and using irony, allegory, and mysterious Persian expressions in the discourse. To enter their target into the public discourse, which was very much welcomed by different sections of society. Apart from criticizing the ruling political tyranny, these works also reflected the ideal of modernism and constitutionalism and became the foundation of a social movement that realized its slogans in the constitutional revolution. Therefore, what is important in connection with these copies is their widespread influence in Iranian society and their ability to challenge the ruling political power. جامعه ایران همواره سعی کرده است در برابر صاحبان قدرت گفتار و کنشی عمومی را به اجرا بگذارد و در ورای نظارت مستقیم آنان گفتار و کنشی متفاوت را پدیدار سازد. به لحاظ تاریخی جامعۀ ایران همواره تحت سیطره حکومتهای استبدادی بوده که مهمترین خصیصه آن بیقانونی، عدم نهادینگی قدرت و حاکمیت دلبخواهانه و تحمیلی حاکم مستبد بوده است. در چنین شرایطی، جامعه نمایشی از تمکین و رضایت را به اجرا میگذارد که با تصویری که حاکمان میخواهند ترسیم کنند، همخوانی زیادی دارد، اما در پس پرده قدرت، آنچه آشکارا نمیتواند بازگو کند، در رونوشت نهانی و در نقد سلطه جلوهگر میسازد. چنین رویکرد محافظهکارانه‌ای گاهی جنبۀ فریبکارانه، احتیاط، ترس و برخورداری از لطف و مرحمت داشته و گاهی ریشه در باورهای دینی، فرهنگی و اجتماعی داشته است. در دوران حکومت ناصرالدینشاه، سلطه استبدادی و ناتوانی در ایجاد یک دولت متمرکز کارآمد، جامعه ایران را به وجه پنهان خود سوق داد و رونوشتهای نهانی به نحوی چشمگیر فزونی یافتند. این پژوهش با بهرهگیری از الگوی نظری روایتهای نهانی اسکات و روش تحلیل متن، به دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که رونوشتهای پنهان جامعۀ ایران چگونه و با چه اشکالی در انقلاب مشروطه تجّلی یافتند؟ یافتههای پژوهش نشان میدهد که ظهور شب‌نامهها از دل انجمنهای مخفی، نقطۀ بارز پیدایی رونوشت پنهان این دوره است. به‌تدریج رونوشتهای نهانی در اَشکال دیگری همچون روزنامههای مخفی، روزنامههای برونمرزی، سفرنامههای خیالی، مکالمات خیالی، رسالات گمنام، ترانهها و خواب‌نامهها نیز پدیدار شدند. با ادامۀ نابسامانیها، این روایتها شکل آشکار به خود گرفت و با به چالش کشیدن قدرت سیاسی، به انقلاب مشروطه منجر گردید.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105353_10ca34cf4b9ece4116ae0a20f331dfd3.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 The Reflection of Shi'ite Thoughts in Khandmir’s Habib Al-Siyar: True Belief or Functionalist Historiography بازتاب اندیشه‌های شیعی در کتاب حبیب‌السیر خواندمیر: باور راستین یا طرح‌اندازی تاریخ‌نویسی کارکردگرایانه 188 215 105361 10.48308/irhj.2025.236897.1362 FA امیر قدسی سیمکانی دانشجوی کارشناسیارشد تاریخ ایران دوره اسلامی، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدچمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران. علی قاسمی استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه‌ شهیدچمران‌اهواز، اهواز، ایران. سعید موسوی سیانی استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدچمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران Journal Article 2024 09 13 Introduction It is assumed that knowledge is produced and reproduced within a discursive order and under the influence of power relations. Therefore, understanding the perspectives and methods of historiography, as one of the types of knowledge, requires the recognition of the cultural, social, political, and economic components of the society that shaped the historiographical perspectives of historians. Accordingly, historical sources are not mirrors that fully reflect the knowledge of past human societies, because they are written under the influence of the layers of the historical context governing the minds of historians. In post-Islamic Iran, the function of historical sources was primarily the reproduction of the interests and ideals of the dominant discourse, and at times, confronting and challenging the dominant discourse in defense of the marginalized one. The impact of historical context on the epistemic outlook of historians is most clearly observed during the foundation of the Safavid state, as it was during this historical period that a new political and discursive order was formed, leading to significant challenges in the minds and practices of historians. Undoubtedly, these significant changes in the political and discursive order of Iran had the greatest impact on the content and form of historiography, since historiography, like speech and jurisprudence, had close ties to the structure of power. In this regard, Habib al-Siyar, one of the most important sources of historiography during the founding period of the Safavid state, not only reflects the political and discursive order prevailing in its historical context but also, due to its composition during the reign of Shah Ismail I, contains elements of the discourse of the transitional period of Safavid state formation. The most significant religious and intellectual change during the time of Habib al-Siyar’s composition was the formalization of Shi'a as the religion legitimizing the Safavid state, amidst beliefs such as popular Islam, Sufism, and Sunni Islam. This challenging change occurred in a period when the majority of Iran's population followed Sunni Islam and Sufi orders and had considerable spiritual and social influence. Therefore, the key questions addressed in this paper are as follows: First, how was the epistemic perspective of Khandmir’s historiography influenced by the founding of the Safavid state and the formalization of Shi'a, given that a significant portion of the Iranian population adhered to Sunni Islam, and Sufi orders had widespread influence? Second, how does the author of Habib al-Siyar reflect this complex space in the integration and reconciliation of ideas? Third, how are Shi'a ideas reflected in Habib al-Siyar? Materials and Methods The strategy of this paper to answer the above questions is a "summary interpretation of Habib al-Siyar." Summary interpretation is one of the common ways of understanding the meaning of historical texts. In this method, historians provide a general summary of the main ideas and arguments of historical sources, demonstrating the significance of a historical text. In other words, when an author's perspective on a subject is to be conveyed to contemporary audiences, the shortest possible summary of the text is provided. The summary, by placing the text in its historical context, reveals the main goals and motivations of a historical source. Among these, the shortest summaries are those that identify the key idea of the text. The key idea of the text is the concept upon which other ideas in the text are based. Such interpretations allow for a comparison of the viewpoints of the author of a text with the views of authors of other texts (McCullagh, 1998: 144-147). Implementing this approach in the current paper requires considering two important points: first, by describing the key political, social, and cultural components of the early 10th century AH, the crises and challenges that motivated Khandmir to write Habib al-Siyar should be highlighted. Second, by showing key passages from Habib al-Siyar’s historical narrative, the key idea of the book’s text will become clear. With these points in mind, the paper demonstrates that the Shi'a ideas presented in Habib al-Siyar were used to address the needs of the newly established Safavid state by integrating and connecting elements of the Sunni, Sufi, and Shi'a discourses around a new perspective. More specifically, the respectful view of the Sunni community in Khandmir’s environment toward the first two caliphs (the caliphs of Sunni Islam) is reflected in the text of his book as part of his authentic beliefs. Nonetheless, the ideas of Twelver Shi'a supported by the Safavid state, as well as the accepted Sufi beliefs in the Eastern Islamic world, were the discursive elements that Khandmir, based on his political, administrative, and ideological position, used to establish a new discursive order and legitimize the Safavid government. With this understanding, the mutual influences of the three intellectual-religious aspects of the time on the construction of Khandmir’s Shi'a thought in Habib al-Siyar should not be overlooked. Result and Discussion Explaining the nature and rationale behind the early Safavid historiography requires recognizing the meaningful relationship between the political, social, and cultural transformations of the transitional period and the perspectives and methods of historians associated with the Safavid court. This paper's attempt to reinterpret the place and significance of Habib al-Siyar in the early Safavid historiography is based on this idea. In this way, the role of the transitional historical context in shaping the Shi'a historical narratives in Habib al-Siyar was considered. In other words, the meaningful relationship between the political, social, and cultural components of the 9th and 10th centuries AH and Khandmir’s specific form of Shi'a history was demonstrated. In this context, "summary interpretation" was used as a methodological approach to rethinking the key idea governing Habib al-Siyar. Thus, living in the religiously tense environment of the transitional period influenced the form and content of Habib al-Siyar. By integrating and connecting the doctrinal elements of Sunni, Shi'a, and Sufi discourses in his general history, Khandmir created a space for reconciling the religious tensions of his time, much like the historians who followed him. This helped create the conditions for changing religious beliefs, both at the governing level and within the general population. Therefore, elements of the three discourses are observed in Habib al-Siyar: first, eclectic beliefs blending Shi'a, Sunni, and Sufi elements influenced by the religious environment at the end of the Timurid period. These beliefs paved the way for the rise of Shi'a-Sufi movements, such as the Safavids. Second, the Shari’ah-based Shi'a; and third, the Shi'a that was used to legitimize the Safavid ruling apparatus. By formulating these discursive elements in Habib al-Siyar, Khandmir not only defended the legitimacy of the newly established Safavid state but also created reconciliation among the opposing social forces within Iranian society. The root of the key idea governing Habib al-Siyar lies within Khandmir’s sensitivity toward the Sunni and Sufi interpretations of Islam in the eastern regions of Iran. Growing up in a Sunni and Sufi-influenced environment meant that Khandmir’s efforts to legitimize the Safavid state could not rely solely on the exaggerated views of the Safavid supporters, the Qizilbash, but had to take into account the general understanding of Islam and Sufism in the eastern Iranian regions. Therefore, in his narratives, elements of Sunni beliefs, Sufi sheikhs, and respect for the first two caliphs are visible. This inclusion does not imply neglecting the dominance of Shi'a beliefs in Habib al-Siyar. Throughout Khandmir's history, elements such as the Hadith of Ghadir, the infallibility of the Imam, the knowledge of the Imam, and the emphasis on the divinely appointed Imamate are present. Khwandamir explicitly identifies Shah Ismail as the rightful heir to the spiritual leadership of the Prophet's family. Even the exaggerated Shi'a ideas about the Imams and Shah Ismail can be seen in Habib al-Siyar. However, it should be noted that Khandmir, unlike some early Safavid historians, not only relegates these exaggerated beliefs to the margins of his general history but also emphasizes the views of Shi'a jurists on the Twelve Imams, avoiding the narratives that presented Shah Ismail as the continuation of the Imamate. Conclusions In conclusion, since Habib al-Siyar was, in part, a political and administrative product, it had to be written in a way that would be accepted by the Safavids. Therefore, the first aspect of Khandmir's intellectual outlook, which stemmed from his environment, is closer to his authentic beliefs. Nevertheless, it must also be considered that individuals, amid the turmoil of new social and intellectual currents, may adopt elements of different ideas. Therefore, the views based on Shari’ah-oriented and functionalist Shi'a had meaningful impacts on the construction of religious and Shi'a thought in Khandmir's historical narratives. Acknowledgments This paper is based on the master's thesis by Amir Ghodsi Simakani titled Social Determination of Historiography at the Beginning of the Safavid era (Case study; the book "Habib al-Siyar")". I would like to express my gratitude for the spiritual and material support of my thesis advisors, Dr. Ali Ghasemi and Dr. Saeed Mousavi Siani. Thanks are also due to the Research Deputy of Shahid Chamran University of Ahvaz for their material and spiritual support. دورۀ زندگانی خواندمیر، عصر گذار بین دو اندیشۀ اجتماعی و مذهبی بود؛ دورهای که باورهای مذهبی جامعه در حال تغییرات بنیادین و در عین حال سازگاری و انطباق با شرایط جدید بود. از یک ‌سو، دولت صفوی براساس اندیشههای صوفیانه و شیعی بنیانگذاری شد و از سوی دیگر، عقاید مبتنی بر اسلام سنتی یا اهل سنت در بطن جامعه ریشه دوانده بود. همچنین توجه به اهل بیت پیامبر(ص) و عناصر مذهب شیعه در طریقتهای صوفیانه، به امری معمول تبدیل شده بود. بهطور طبیعی اندیشه و بینش تاریخنویسی خواندمیر تحت تأثیر چنین فضای تاریخیای قرار گرفته بود. از این رو، فهم اندیشه و روش تاریخنویسی این نویسنده و بازتاب اندیشههای شیعی موجود در کتاب حبیب السیر، به درک هرچه بهتر فضای فکری و تاریخی گفته‌شده، چگونگی رسمی شدن مذهب تشیع و بنیانگذاری دولت صفوی، یاری خواهد رساند. رهیافت مقالۀ حاضر برای فهم ماهیت اندیشههای شیعیِ کتاب حبیب السیر، «تفسیر خلاصهوار» است. بر این اساس، دیدگاه شیعی خواندمیر تحت تأثیر سه جریان فکری بود: نخست باورهای التقاطی سنی، شیعی و صوفیانه یا اسلام مردمی؛ دوم تشیع فقاهتی؛ و در نهایت تشیع فایده‌گرایانه‌ای که در راستای مشروعیتبخشی به دولت صفوی بود. به نظر میرسد وجه دوم و سوم اندیشۀ خواندمیر، یعنی تشیع شریعتمآبانه و کارکردگرایانه، تحت تأثیر جایگاه و وظایف مشروعیتبخشِ سیاسی و اداری نویسنده، به عنوان تاریخنویس دربار صفویان قرار گرفته است. رگههای راستین باورهای مذهبی خواندمیر نیز بیشتر در محیط پرورش اجتماعیاش ریشه داشت؛ هرچند تأثیراتِ دو بُعد دیگر را در ماهیت واقعی اندیشههای شیعی خواندمیر نباید نادیده گرفت.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105361_cfda94450b3d00093ca94e39b3943287.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Co-educational Schools in Iran: Establishment, Oppositions, and Dissolution مدارس مختلط در ایران: راه‌اندازی، مخالفت‌ها و انحلال 216 239 105017 10.48308/irhj.2024.236743.1357 FA امین آریان راد استادیار پژوهشکده علوم انسانی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 09 08 Introduction Co-educational schools in the Qajar period were dedicated to religious minorities. These schools became public in the early Pahlavi period with the government's support. During this period, to expand education among girls and, on the other hand, to improve the single-gender educational environment, co-educational schools were set up throughout the country. During this period, these schools were expanded by the global trend and the expansion of rural schools, which required co-educational. Since the 1940s, the clergy have expressed their opposition to such schools. In the ideological historiography of the Islamic Republic, these schools have been equated with prostitution (Rouhāni 1370, 187, 213) and nudity (Vāhed 1361, 33) or have spoken of "dozens of girls becoming pregnant in the toilets" of co-educational schools (Foulazādeh 1369, vol. 1, 221). When the clergy came to power after the 1979 revolution, they began to try to dissolve Co-educational schools under the general program of Islamization of society, and after announcing such a plan in the first days, despite the objections of the parents of the students of these schools, they dissolved these schools in October 1979 in Tehran and the following year throughout the country, except in rural areas. The issue of this study is the background and reasons for the establishment of co-educational schools and their dissolution. The question of this study is what was the process of setting up and dissolving co-educational schools? The importance of studying this issue lies in the fact that despite the universality of co-educational, at least at the elementary level, groups of the Islamic Republic of Iran still seek to implement this segregation at different levels of education, even in universities. In the 2000s and 2010s, they also protested against the mixing of universities (Kayhān, 20 Tir 1390) or the holding of co-educational camps (Kayhān, 4 Āzar 1394; Kayhān, 2 Tir 1395). In addition, the media of this movement publish news about the increase in interest in segregating gender in schools around the world (Kayhān, 5 Šahrivar 1396). Even during these years, they made unsuccessful attempts to segregate the gender of universities and establish single-sex universities due to "popular demands" (Jām-e-Jām, 31 ḵordād 1390; Resālat, 24 Esfand 1391; Resālat, 3 ḵordād 1389; Jām-e-Jām, 18 Tir 1390; Kayhān, 25 ḵordād 1390). Materials and Methods The issue of this study is the background and reasons for the establishment of co-educational schools and their dissolution. The question of this study is what was the process of setting up and dissolving co-educational schools? This study seeks to use the historical method of establishing and expanding these schools to describe the opposition of religious authorities and clerics in the Pahlavi period to these schools and finally their dissolution in urban areas at the beginning of the Islamic Republic period. The library method was used to collect the data for this study. The data for this study have been taken from official newspapers, books, and statistics. Result and Discussion The findings of this study show that in the Pahlavi era, to expand education among girls and, on the other hand, to improve the single-gender educational environment, co-educational schools were established throughout the country. From 1941-1953, religious authorities and clerics objected to these schools and demanded their closure. In the face of the Pahlavi regime, they also restricted these schools to some extent. However, in the following years, following the global trend and the expansion of rural schools, which required co-education, these schools were expanded. Even in the 1960s and 1970s, co-educational middle schools and high schools were established. With the outbreak of the 1979 Revolution, an attempt was made to dissolve co-educational schools under the general program of the government to "Islamize" society. The announcement of such a program was followed by some objections and agreements during the first days. The opponents of the bill opposed the bill by writing letters and holding rallies, and pursued this demand for a long time. The Ayandegan and Kayhan newspapers reflected these objections, but with the closure of these newspapers in August 1979, the voices of the protesters were not echoed. However, the supporters of the government did not take any other action except to hold a rally in support of this plan and oppose co-educational schools. Despite the objections of the parents of the students of these schools, these schools were dissolved in October 1979 in Tehran and the following year throughout the country, except in rural areas. However, the increasing population growth despite the migration of villagers to the cities, which for the first time brought the urban population to about 55 percent, led to an increase in the rural population in need of education. Therefore, the number of co-educational schools was only reduced, and the emerging revolutionary government itself was forced to expand these schools in rural areas, so that even in the 2000s and 2010s, there were reports of tens of thousands of co-educational schools in all three phases in different rural and deprived parts of the country, especially in nomadic areas, which were sometimes formed in tents and capers. In these schools, due to the small number of students and the lack of educational space and staff, co-educational education continued. Conclusions Co-educational schools in Iran became public during the Pahlavi period with the government's support. During this period, to expand education among girls and, on the other hand, to improve the single-gender educational environment, co-educational schools were set up throughout the country. However, during the years 1941-1953, the government restricted these schools to some extent due to the opposition of religious authorities and clerics. However, following the global trend and the expansion of rural schools, which required co-educational, he expanded these schools in the following years. With the outbreak of the 1979 Revolution, an attempt was made to dissolve co-educational schools under the government's general program to "Islamize" society. The opponents of the bill opposed the bill by writing letters and holding rallies, and pursued this demand for a long time. However, the supporters of the government did not take any other action except to hold a rally in support of this plan and oppose co-educational schools. After the announcement of such a plan in the first days, despite the objections of the parents of the students of these schools, these schools were dissolved in October 1979 in Tehran and the following year throughout the country, except in rural areas. Despite the Islamic Republic's efforts to isolate the educational environment and "Islamize" schools, schools in rural and deprived areas remain co-educational. It seems that the initial measures and the current failed attempts to separate the schools were more of a try to impose the ideology of the state and demonstrate its power in urban and affluent areas. This issue was Significant in challenging the competing ideologies and lifestyles derived from the Pahlavi era in the early years. در دورۀ پهلوی مدارس مختلط که پیشتر به اقلیت‌های مذهبی اختصاص داشت، با حمایت حکومت جنبۀ عمومی یافت. گسترش این مدارس از دهه 1320 با مخالفت روحانیان روبه‌رو شد. به‌رغم این مخالفت‌ها که تا حدودی برنامه گسترش مدارس مختلط را کُند کرد، در سال‌های بعد روند فزایندۀ گسترش این مدارس ادامه یافت؛ تا آنکه در پی انقلاب 1357، برنامۀ انحلال این مدارس در دستور کار قرار گرفت. مسئلۀ این پژوهش زمینه و علل راه‌اندازی مدارس مختلط و انحلال آنهاست. پرسش این پژوهش آن است که راه‌اندازی و انحلال مدارس مختلط چه روندی را طی کرد؟ از آنجا که تاکنون پژوهش تاریخی مستقلی در این زمینه انجام نشده، این پژوهش در پی آن است تا روند راه‌اندازی و گسترش این مدارس، مخالفت مراجع تقلید و روحانیون در دورۀ پهلوی با این مدارس و سرانجام انحلال آنها در آغاز دورۀ جمهوری اسلامی -جز در مناطق روستایی- را با استفاده از روش تاریخی مورد توصیف قرار دهد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که در دورۀ پهلوی برای بسط آموزش در میان دختران و از دیگر سو بهسازی فضای آموزشی تک‌جنسیتی، مدارس مختلط در سراسر کشور راه‌اندازی شد. طی سال‌های 1320-1332ش. مراجع تقلید و روحانیون مخالفت‌هایی با این مدارس کردند و خواهان تعطیلی آنها شدند. در برابر، حکومت پهلوی نیز تا اندازه‌ای این مدارس را محدود کرد، اما در سال‌های بعد به تبعیت از رویۀ جهانی و نیز گسترش مدارس روستایی که مختلط بودن را ایجاب می‌کرد، این مدارس گسترش یافتند. حتی طی دهه‌های 1340 و 1350 مدارس راهنمایی و دبیرستان‌های مختلط نیز راه‌اندازی شد. با بروز انقلاب 1357 کوشش برای انحلال مدارس مختلط ذیل برنامۀ کلی حکومت در راستای «اسلامی» کردن جامعه، آغاز گردید و پس از اعلام چنین برنامه‌ای طی روزهای نخست، با وجود مخالفت‌های اولیای دانش‌آموزان این مدارس، از مهر 1358 در تهران و سال بعد در سراسر کشور، جز مناطق روستایی، این مدارس منحل اعلام شد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105017_de2323a73f4ae14a3f2fa59de7e88f38.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Mirza Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan and the Developments of the Province of Khamseh (Zanjan) at the End of the Naseri Era میرزا علی‌اصغر خان امین‌السلطان و تحولات ولایت خمسه (زنجان) در اواخر عصر ناصری 240 266 105528 10.48308/irhj.2025.238316.1393 FA حسن رستمی دانش آموخته دکتری تاریخ ایران بعد از اسلام، گروه تاریخ و تمدن اسلامی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه زنجان، زنجان، ایران. مسعود بیات دانشیار گروه تاریخ و تمدن اسلامی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه زنجان، زنجان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 01 09 Introduction The province of Khamseh (Zanjan) was always considered due to the presence of political, military, and religious elites in the body of the government and society of the Qajar period. In Zanjan, one of the influential courtiers and elders was often chosen to rule and sent to this province. In this province, despite its small area and small population, there were also suitable lands for the cultivation of cereals, and due to its proximity to the capital of Tehran and the capital of Tabriz, it was one of the main centers in solving the crises of famine and drought. During the Qajar period, the grain of this region was sent to other parts of the country many times to solve the famine and the challenges of drought years, and prevented many riots and unrest resulting from the shortage of grain. With the death of Mirza Ibrahim Khan Amin al-Sultan in 1300 AH, Mirza Ali Asghar Khan received the title of his father (Amin al-Sultan) and the decree of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar, and after a while, he became the “Prime Minister” and then the title of “Chancellor”. The Amin-al-Sultan family had close relations with various groups in the province of Khamseh, including Mirza Ibrahim Khan’s guardianship over the Shahsevan tribe and the supervision of the work of the rulers of this region. Mirza Ali Asghar Khan, due to his important ministerial positions, was an important and influential actor and pillar in the economy, society, and politics of the province of Khamseh. In such a way, the events, role, and position of the important elements of this region at the end of the Nasseri era did not seem possible without his interference and influence. Therefore, the present study deals with the question of what position and influence Amin al-Sultan had in the current issues of the Khamseh province in this period. Moreover, what were the results of his policies and actions on different issues and classes? Materials and Methods Sources of Historiography. So far, no independent research has been conducted on the life and times of Mirza Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan, and most of the research has relied on documents to present a part of the years of political life. Among the works that have been mentioned to some extent about the developments of the Khamseh province during the reign of Amin al-Sultan, the book “Letters to Naser al-Din Shah: A Collection of Petitions Containing the Shah’s Orders to Amin al-Sultan between the Years 1300-1303 AH” by Majid Abdamin from the publications of the Dr. Afshar Endowment Foundation in cooperation with Sokhan Publications can be mentioned. In this work, there are a small number of correspondences between Amin al-Sultan and the political and military elites of the khamseh province on issues such as the army, the gold mine, and personal petitions, which is not a case study about the khamseh province, and from the content of some of the re-read letters, no conclusion can be drawn about Amin al-Sultan and the developments of the khamseh province in the late Naseri era. In the book ”Memoirs of Ehtesham al-Saltaneh”, by the efforts of Mohammad Mahdi Mousavi of Zavvar Publications, in the section related to the rule of Mirza Mahmud Ehtesham al-Saltaneh in Zanjan (1306-1309 AH), there are important points about the interference and role of Amin al-Sultan in the dismissal, appointments, and relations with different classes. Works such as” Memoirs of Etemad al-Saltaneh” and “Memoirs of Ain al-Saltaneh Salor” also dealt to some extent with some of Amin al-Sultan’s policies, such as supporting and siding with Brigadier General Jahanshah Khan. Therefore, in the present study, which is different from the new documentary works and the narratives and memories of the past, the documents related to Khamseh Province in the period under discussion were first studied and investigated. It should be noted that these documents were used from the archives of public or private organizations and institutions. On the other hand, books and articles were discussed, reviewed, and notes taken. Then, the publications that were needed to answer the questions and ambiguities of the research were prepared and reviewed, and then the research topic was examined in a descriptive-explanatory manner and based on that, the questions and ambiguities raised were answered. Result and Discussion IIn the years contemporaneous with Amin al-Sultan’s accession to power, the province of Khamseh was under the direct supervision and influence of the king and courtiers, due to the power of the khans, scholars, and the existence of powerful tribes. Mirza Ibrahim Khan Amin al-Sultan was the head of some of the prominent tribes of the region (Shahsevan) before his son Mirza Ali Asghar Khan came to power. In some cases, he also interfered in the current affairs of this region at the request and order of the Shah. With the accession of Mirza Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan, the province of Khamseh came under his direct rule. Considering the current issues in this part of the country, which was located in the middle of the important cities of Tehran and Tabriz, Amin al-Sultan had a direct involvement in the current developments to advance the wishes and views of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar. In this regard, Amin al-Sultan’s relations with the rulers of Zanjan were in line with the implementation of the policies of the court, reducing insecurity, increasing stability, and paying attention to the heads of dependent tribes such as Shahsevan. These needs were so important that even with the failure of Amin al-Hazrat, his brother in the government, Ehtesham al-Saltaneh was appointed to resolve the disturbances. Due to the proximity of some rulers to Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, the chancellor’s hand in supervising and dealing with some issues was somewhat short, and it seems that the rulers of this period were directly under the supervision and command of the Shah. Amin al-Sultan’s stubbornness and policies vis-à-vis some influential people and agents, it seems that to audit and implement the Shah’s orders, they were accompanied by fines, arrests, and relatively accurate investigations, but the removal of some influential people and forgiveness and tolerance of mistakes, led to the abuse and increase of the authority of Khans such as Jahanshah Khan. Amin al-Sultan’s policy of removing Jahanshah Khan had long-term consequences. So that with the death of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar and the gradual decline of the rule of the Qajar government in the Mozaffari period, and due to the economic policies of the Qajars in selling government lands to courtiers and those affiliated with the government, the power of Jahanshah Khan increased more than ever and different urban and rural classes were violated and harassed. Amin al-Sultan also took into account the king’s wishes and opinions in matters such as taxation, auditing, and mineral exploration in areas such as Kavand and Tarom, and financial affairs took precedence over any demand, complaint, or need. The province of Khamseh was one of the centers for sending grain to different places, and with the coming to power of Mirza Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan, the grain of this region was often sent regularly. What can be counted as one of the obstacles to the export of Zanjan grain in the era of Amin al-Sultan was the wickedness and plunder of some of the Khans who, in the course of the dispute and conflict, in addition to plundering the livestock, looted the wheat available in the mills, and Amin al-Sultan in Tehran was faced with a shortage of bread, obstacles to the supply of grain, a lack of rainfall, and pestilence of crops. Due to the supervision and support of the chiefs of the Shahsevan tribe and the Khamseh Khans, Amin al-Sultan put pressure on them during the difficult years and lack of rainfall, and did not accept any excuse or excuse to transport the grain of the court to Tehran, Because the presence of grain contained the rebellion and rebellion and thus guaranteed the king’s satisfaction. These pressures by the chancellor sometimes led to the looting of the villagers’ crops and the grievances of the subjects to Tehran, and the complaints did not conclude due to the relations of the agents with each other and the government’s need for grain. Conclusions To eliminate insecurity, create social and economic stability, and increase tax revenues, which was closely linked to the goals and views of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, Amin al-Sultan selected and sent rulers to Zanjan. Even to fulfill his needs, he dismissed Amin al-Hazrat, the elder brother, from the rule of Zanjan and chose Ehtesham al-Saltaneh as his successor. Attraction and repulsion in relations with influential people and some agents were among Amin al-Sultan’s policies to advance his goals and desires and to satisfy the Qajar Shah. Amin al-Sultan’s short-term policies were pursued by receiving taxes and sending grain to Tehran, with the aim of stability and security and preventing the people’s rebellion and the Shah’s dissatisfaction, but in the end, as the planner and executor of the court, he caused irreparable damage to the people of the region. In addition to disciplining and dealing with some important groups and individuals, with the removal of elites such as Jahanshah Khan Brigadier General, a new chapter was opened in the history of this region, which subsequently, due to the landowning policies of the Qajars in the sale of government lands to agents, in the years of the gradual decline of the power of the central government in the constitutional era and afterwards, caused abuses and abuses against the subordinate people. He did not have specific goals and plans for economic issues in the Khamseh region, and it seems that the security of the society and the Shah’s satisfaction in pursuing and solving economic challenges were at the forefront of his efforts and demands. میرزا علی‌اصغرخان امینالسلطان از نخبگان برجستۀ اواخر عصر ناصری‌، جایگاه مهمی در ایجاد و اجرای سیاست‌ها و برنامه‌های حکومت قاجاریه داشت. با توجه به مناصب مهم و روابط میرزا ابراهیم‌خان با گروه‌های مختلف ولایت خمسه، امین‌السلطان به مانند پدرش نقش برجسته‌ای در تحولات این برهه ایفا کرد. او پس از مرگ پدر و دریافت مناصب مهم وزارتی، بازیگردان و رکن مهم و تأثیرگذار در اقتصاد، جامعه و سیاست ولایت خمسه بود؛ به ‌گونه‌ای که رخدادها، نقش و جایگاه عناصر مهم این منطقه در اواخر عصر ناصری، به دور از دخالت و نفوذ او ممکن به ‌نظر نمی‌رسید. پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد کتابخانه‌ای و بهره‌گیری از اسناد سازمان‌های دولتی و خصوصی، کتاب‌ها و مقالات، با رویکرد توصیفی-تبیینی، ضمن تعیین و بررسی مسائل بنیادین و مهم ولایت خمسه در اواخر عصر ناصری، به این پرسش پرداخته است که امینالسلطان در این دوره چه جایگاه و تأثیری در مسائل جاری ولایت خمسه داشت؟ و نتایج سیاست‌ها و اقداماتش دربارۀ مسائل و طبقات مختلف چه بود؟ مدعای نخستین‌ پژوهش بر استبداد دورۀ ناصری تأکید دارد که تمامی اهداف و سیاست‌های امین‌السلطان و سایر کارگزاران را تحت تأثیر قرار داد. به عبارت دقیق‌تر، برآوردن نیازها، خواستهها و امیال شاه، رکن اصلی و در مرحلۀ نخست سیاستها و برنامههای حکومتی در ولایت خمسه قرار داشت. امین‌السلطان سپس در حوزه‌های اقتصاد، امنیت و سیاست، با رعایت نسبی خواستۀ گروه‌های مختلف و صلاح و نیاز جامعه و دولت، تصمیم بر رفع چالش‌ها و رسیدگی به مسائل جاری گرفت. برکشیدن جهانشاه‌خان سرتیپ و ریاست بر ایل افشار، از جمله سیاستهای امینالسلطان بود که بعدها در عصر مشروطه مصایب و دشواری‌های جدی برای مردم ایجاد کرد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105528_db7cb7f661bc395e83e129d9be5945dc.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 The Comprador Bourgeoisie and the Nationalist State: The Rashidians against the Mosaddeq بورژوازی کمپرادور و دولت ملی‌گرا: رشیدیان ها علیه مصدّق 267 296 105618 10.48308/irhj.2025.237119.1367 FA مجتبی سلطانی احمدی دانشیار گروه تاریخ وتمدن اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران. 0000-0001-6123-8512 محمدحسن پورقنبر دانش آموخته دکتری و پژوهشگر تاریخ معاصر. 0009-0007-6669-2723 Journal Article 2024 10 04 Introduction Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan were among the important and prominent beylarbeys of the Iranian state during the Safavid era, which always had a high status for the Safavid kings and rulers. The effective role of the warriors of this beylarbey in foreign and domestic political-military events is well documented in the sources of the era. They confronted the Safavid government with crises at least twice. Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan also enjoyed a special status during the Afshar and Zand periods. Nader Shah Afshar and Karim Khan Zand personally commanded the army to suppress their opponents in Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan. The importance of the region remained intact during the Qajar period. Of course, during this period, Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan became part of the Fars state. The Greater Fars state, like some other states, was a mixture of disorder, conflict, and struggle for power, seizing the province, and collecting taxes from the establishment of the Qajar dynasty (1209 AH) to the death of Mohammad Shah (1264 AH). The provinces of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh were also subordinate to the political, social, and economic conditions of the Fars province. Auctioning and buying, and selling of regions and provinces was common and customary. The rulers of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh were changed by order of the ruler of the Fars province. Many Qajar rulers in Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces used various methods to consolidate their rule and economic and political exploitation. Such as: frequent political changes, forced migrations of tribes and clans, intensification of tribal and clan conflicts and disputes; creation of new positions, such as Ilkhan, which on the one hand facilitated the control of the tribes by the central government and on the other hand fueled internal conflicts and tensions among the tribes. The Qajar rulers used many of the aforementioned cases to weaken the power of the tribal community and ethnic groups living in Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces, which had socio-political consequences. This research was conducted based on the historical research method and the descriptive-analytical method, and explained and analyzed the political events and their social and economic consequences based on first-hand sources. Materials and Methods The social and economic structure of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces was tribal and based on a pastoral economy, and the collection of heavy taxes from the people led to numerous rebellions and conflicts. Of course, among the rulers of Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces during the Nasseri era, Sultan Uwais Mirza Ehtesham al-Dawla was considered a different and exceptional example, who administered the province with a fair and compassionate governance combined with development and settlement. This research, based on the historical research method and the descriptive-analytical method and citing first-hand sources, seeks to answer these questions. What were the political events and social and economic consequences of the rule of the Qajar rulers in Behbahan and Kohgilouyeh provinces? Why did some governors of the province, such as Ehtesham al-Dawla, receive support and support from the people, while others suffered rebellion and war? The research findings show that the appointment of incompetent and ineffective rulers and the collection of heavy taxes have led to constant war and conflict between the people and the government, as well as forced migrations of tribes and clans to neighboring and distant areas, massacres, and a decrease in the population of tribal, rural, and urban areas. Result and Discussion With the death of Mohammad Shah (Shawal 1264 AH), rebellions broke out in some provinces of Iran, including Fars. For example, in Shiraz, the capital of Fars, the opponents of Hussein Khan Nizam al-Dawla, the ruler of Fars, gained a favorable opportunity to clash and expel him from Shiraz. The internal Persian rebellion that occurred in the city of Shiraz led both sides to bloody battles for a while. Finally, the central rulers in Tehran decided to appoint Prince Bahram Mirza to the government of Fars and to arrest and imprison Hussein Khan Nizam al-Dawla. In this way, the conflicts temporarily ended. The author of Nasseri's Farsnameh also emphasizes that with the arrival of Bahram Mirza Mu'ad al-Dawla in Shiraz in Safar 1265 AH, the "riots of the country" in Fars gradually became "calm" and peaceful. However, shortly after Bahram Mirza's rule, the internal situation in Fars became chaotic, and a rebellion broke out in the province of Bushehr. This incident was over the government of Bushehr. Because Bahram Mirza, the ruler of the province of Fars, handed over the government of Bushehr to "Sheikh Nasr Khan, son of Sheikh Abdul Rasul Khan." However, some influential people in Tehran gave the government of Busher to Nazim al-Mulk Shirazi. As a result, there was a conflict between the forces of Sheikh Nasr Khan and Nazim al-Mulk Shirazi over the government of Busher. Sheikh Nasr Khan's forces defeated the new opponents. However, the continuation of the conflict dragged some other provinces of Fars into the conflict. Among them were the armies of Kohgilouyeh and Behbahan - led by Mirza Sultan Mohammad Khan Tabataba'i Behbahani, the governor of the province - who entered the battle to force Sheikh Nasr Khan to surrender. According to first-hand sources, Baqir Khan Tangestani, who "had no cannons or artillery in his camp... sent someone to Mount Kiluyeh [= Mount Gilouyeh]" and asked for cannons and help. Conclusions The ministers of the provinces and provinces in the Qajar period were generally from the Divan and Mustufi classes. They played an important and decisive role in the administration of the provinces and provinces during this period. The administration of all political, military, administrative, and financial affairs of the provinces and provinces was carried out under the supervision of the ministers of the provinces and provinces. The level of efficiency of the ministers became more important during the Qajar period due to the policy of appointing princes as rulers of the provinces and provinces of the country. In the case of the ruler's youth, inexperience or incapacity, the minister of the province and province resolved all regional affairs, but in the case of the ruler's efficiency, the ministers, in addition to handling the administrative and financial affairs of the province and province, served as the link between the central government and the province or province and their representatives, reporting all events in the provinces to the central government. On the other hand, the ministers of the provinces and regions, due to the less accountability of the ruling princes, were subject to reprimand and punishment by the central government in the event of any untoward incident in the provinces and regions. این مقاله با نگاهی به رابطه میان خانواده رشیدیان با دولت مصدق، ابتدا به صورت گذرا تحرّکات خانواده مزبور علیه محمد مصدق را مورد توجه قرار داده، سپس به‌طور مفصل با تمرکز بر ویژگیهای طبقاتی رشیدیانها، دلایل مخالفت آنان با دولت مصدق را تبیین کرده است؛ چنانکه در چارچوب یک نظریۀ جامعهشناسی و بر مبنای قشربندی اجتماعی، مواضع و اقدامات خانواده رشیدیان به مثابه بخشی از قشر بورژوازی کمپرادور ایران را در دو حوزۀ سیاسی و اقتصادی در قِبال دولت مصدق تجزیه و تحلیل کرده است. یافتهها حکایت از این دارد که ماهیت رشیدیانها به عنوان بورژواکمپرادور که از بُعد سیاسی مبتنی بر دو ممیّزه عمده، وابستگی به دولت خارجی و محافظهکاری و از منظر اقتصادی نیز بر مبنای دو خصیصۀ رانتخواری و دلّالی بود، با مشی سیاسی و اقتصادی دولت مصدق نه تنها همسویی نداشت، بلکه در تضاد قرار داشت. با این اوصاف، دور از انتظار نبود که رشیدیانها از هیچگونه اقدامی علیه دولت مصدق فروگذاری نکنند و در کودتای 28 مرداد 1332 نقش مهمی ایفا کنند.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105618_7ef548870f613558e7fa96523b19ab05.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 18 1 2025 03 21 Orderly Absolute Monarchy: The Main idea for Transition from the Traditional Model of Governance in Pre-constitutional Iran «سلطنت مطلقۀ منتظم» ایدۀ اصلی برای عبور از الگوی حکمرانی سنتی در ایران پیشامشروطه 297 332 105450 10.48308/irhj.2025.236615.1360 FA محمد محمودهاشمی دانش‌آموخته دکترای تاریخ ایران اسلامی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 09 07 Introduction Political power in Iran during the first period of the Qajar dynasty was centralized around the Qajar monarch, and within the political discourse of that era, the shah held the primary role in governance. An examination of the history of political thought in Iran during the first period of Qajar rule reveals that prior to the emergence of consequences from Iran's encounter with modern civilization, the elites' conception of strong governance was formed according to the ancient Iranian governance model, and their strategy for its implementation centered on establishing a powerful monarchy with absolute royal authority. The Iranian encounter with modern civilization and the revelation of its consequences, which stemmed from the intellectual superiority of modern civilization over Iran's traditional civilization, confronted the elites with a fundamental issue: the ancient governance model in Iran was incapable of responding to new challenges arising from the encounter with modern civilization, and the Qajar state, relying on the traditional concept of strong monarchy, could not overcome these new challenges. Political thinkers faced novel circumstances resulting from Iran's exposure to the implications and achievements of modern civilization. One consequence of modern civilization's intellectual dominance over Iran's traditional intellectual framework was political thinkers' new understanding of concepts such as "state" and "weak and strong state," leading to fresh ideas about extracting the Qajar state from its "weak state" status in accordance with this new understanding of modern concepts. Among these ideas, the concept of Orderly absolute monarchy became the political project of pre-constitutional era Iranian reformists. Materials and Methods This research endeavors to explain, from the perspective of modernist thinkers during the Naseri and Mozaffari periods, the weak state condition, the invalidation of the traditional Iranian governance model, and the presentation of Orderly absolute monarchy as a central idea for transitioning from the old governance model - as an idea distinct from constitutional monarchy. This is significant because, concurrent with the emergence of the Orderly absolute monarchy concept, thinkers such as Mostashar- od-Dowleh and Akhoundzadeh proposed the necessity of establishing a constitutional monarchy in Iran, and these two ideas became the focus of two competing projects among Iranian thinkers in the pre-constitutional period. The idea of Orderly absolute monarchy became the primary political reform project in Iran during the Naseri period and the early Mozaffari era. This research examines how modern concepts of Orderly absolute monarchy were introduced into Iranian political thought and efforts to align these concepts with Iran's traditional intellectual framework, as a project of advocates for consolidating legal power in the monarchy. Using historical research methodology and relying on causal and rational explanation, this research seeks to answer how thinkers of the Naseri and Mozaffari periods, who were situated in the context of Iran's encounter with modern civilization and observed Iran's state weakness in responding to modern civilization's implications, proposed Orderly absolute monarchy as an alternative to Iran's traditional governance model, in a way that could implement modern state formation and establish a strong state in Iran while accepting the absolute power of the Qajar monarchy. Results and Discussion The ideas that emerged within modern civilization's horizon and upon which the modern state was formed in Europe had become a model for progressive Iranian elites to extract traditional Iran, caught in modern-era conditions, from its weak state status and replace the traditional Iranian governance model with a modern idea. These ideas, with their historical and linguistic foundations formed in Europe, were reflectively adopted by progressive Iranian elites during the Qajar period, disconnected from the referential frameworks of the modern European environment, and entered a new framework governing Iran's traditional horizon, becoming considered by elites as a strategy for forming a modern state in Iran. In the strategy of "Orderly absolute monarchy," top-down reforms were considered the primary basis for transformation and changes toward establishing a modern state. The sovereignty of the independent Qajar monarchy over Iran and the dominance of traditional governance patterns in Qajar statesmen's political mindset on one hand, and the prevalence of traditional intellectual and cultural atmosphere and religious beliefs in Iranian social consciousness on the other hand, led modernist thinkers, who were predominantly in service of the independent Qajar monarchy, to propose a top-down reform model based on the idea of Orderly absolute monarchy, drawing inspiration from political reforms in European and Ottoman monarchical systems. The concept of law constituted the central core of the Orderly monarchy idea. Mirza Malkum Khan first discussed the necessity of law emerging from the modern intellectual horizon in his "Invisible Booklet" and produced various treatises and texts over the years to substantiate his idea. Other thinkers who had realized the necessity of law for administering the evolving society during the Naseri period wrote various treatises to prove such necessity for establishing a strong state in Iran. Although some, unlike Mirza Malkum Khan, did not emphasize the necessity of laws being modern, and some, like Mirza Said Khan Motamen- ol-Molk, believed in deriving laws from Islamic Sharia, they emphasized the fundamental view that laws from the modern horizon were not incompatible with Iranian society's religious beliefs. Some individuals, like Abu-Talib Behbahani, even held that modern laws were consistent with Islamic laws. Conclusion According to the argument presented by advocates of the Orderly monarchy idea, empirical evidence demonstrated that following Iran's entry into the modern civilization, new historical conditions had emerged under which Iran's ancient governance model no longer possessed the capability to confront the new circumstances created by modern civilization. The ancient governance model, centered on maintaining absolute monarchical authority, was capable of fulfilling its primary duty of establishing security through the monarchy's military capability, but in the modern era, progressive Iranian elites observed a governance model in modern states that had achieved progress and advancement through multifaceted reforms based on strategic ideas such as Orderly monarchy, and had imposed their military, political, and economic power on traditional countries like Iran. The formulators of the Orderly absolute monarchy idea, based on insights gained from modern civilization and particularly modern political thought, maintained that the state functions as a system where all its components must perform their duties under specific laws and order, and any deficiency in components and their performance would cause state weakness and inefficiency. In their view, state duties and component functions were determined not by the traditional Iranian governance model but based on the modern governance model. Concepts such as law, justice, and principles like the separation of executive and legislative powers, and financial and physical security of individuals against state power were considered among the most fundamental elements constituting the Orderly absolute monarchy idea. The state, through its enacted laws, was required to guarantee society's justice and security, thereby making national progress possible under the state's commitment to maintaining and establishing state law. در ایران سنتی، تلقی نخبگان از حکمرانی کارآمد بنا بر الگوی کهن حکمرانی در ایران شکل گرفته بود و راهبرد دستیابی به حکمرانی کارآمد، برقراری سلطنت مطلقۀ قوی بود. میثاق‌های زبانی که برای بیان ایدۀ دولت قوی در زمانۀ تأسیس و تثبیت سلسلۀ قاجاریه به کار رفتند، در افق فکری سنتی تمدن ایران قرار داشتند و به توضیح و اثبات ایده برقراری سلطنت مطلقه قوی می‌پرداختند. این پژوهش با تکیه بر روش تحقیق تاریخی و تحلیل علّی و عقلانی در پی یافتن پاسخ این پرسش است که چگونه ایدۀ سلطنت مطلقۀ منتظم به عنوان راهبردی جایگزین برای ایجاد سلطنت مطلقه قوی برای الگوی حکمرانی کارآمد در ایران دورۀ پیشامشروطه درآمد. نتایج این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که مواجهۀ ایرانیان با تمدن مدرن، نخبگان را با این مسئلۀ اساسی روبه‌رو کرد که الگوی کهن حکمرانی در ایران، در برابر چالش‌های جدیدی که ناشی از مواجهۀ با تمدن مدرن بود، قادر به پاسخ‌گویی نیست و دولت قاجاری با تکیه بر ایدۀ سلطنت قوی به معنای قدیم آن، نمی‌تواند بر این چالش‌های جدید فائق آید. شکست ایدۀ اصلاحات از بالا با حفظ سلطنت مطلقۀ غیرمنتظم، فضایی را برای استفاده از ایدۀ جایگزین «سلطنت مطلقه منتظم» فراهم کرد که اصلاحات از بالا ممکن می‌شد. دریافت واضعان ایدۀ سلطنت مطلقۀ منتظم از این ایده، دریافتی انعکاسی از افق فکری مدرن بود و تلاش می‌کرد مفاهیم دولت مدرن را به شکلی در جامعۀ سنتی بیان کند که با چارچوب‌های فکری و فرهنگی جامعه در تضاد نباشد و موجد تحول در نظام حکمرانی سنتی ایران شود، اما شاه همچنان در رأس قدرت قرار داشته باشد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105450_f99b58f525233480975774c13c8bf79e.pdf