دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 Iran-US Trade Relations during World War II (1941-1945) روابط تجاری ایران و آمریکا در جنگ جهانی دوم (1324- 1320ش) 1 29 106342 10.48308/irhj.2025.238963.1406 FA زهرا کهنسال لاخانی دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ انقلاب اسلامی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران محمد بختیاری دانشیار گروه تاریخ. دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران. 0000-0003-2688-9648 Journal Article 2025 02 27 Abstract The occupation of Iran during World War II brought significant changes to the country’s political, economic, and social spheres, as well as to its foreign relations. Prior to the war, Germany was one of Iran’s main trading partners; however, with the occupation of Iran, the United States replaced it. The present study aims to examine Iran–U.S. trade relations during World War II, the volume and diversity of exchanged goods, and the reasons for fluctuations in these exchanges. This research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, relying primarily on library and archival sources- especially Iran’s trade statistics and data published by Bank Melli and the Customs Administration. The findings indicate that during World War II, the volume and value of trade between Iran and the United States, particularly Iran’s imports from that country, showed an upward trend, making the U.S. Iran’s second-largest trading partner. The primary factors behind this shift include the U.S. military presence in Iran, the employment of American military and economic advisers, the implementation of the U.S. Lend–Lease Act, Iran’s efforts to reduce British and Soviet influence by engaging a third power (the U.S.), and the transformation of America’s isolationist policy toward active global engagement. These factors had a substantial impact on the expansion of Iranian–American trade during this period. Introduction The history of Iran–U.S. relations dates back to the early reign of Naser al‑Din Shah Qajar. Amir Kabir, seeking to curb British and Russian influence, instructed Hajji Mirza Ahmad Khan, Iran’s envoy in the Ottoman Empire, to negotiate with the U.S. minister there, leading to the Treaty of Friendship and Navigation in 1851. Following Amir Kabir’s dismissal and British obstruction, the treaty was abandoned. In 1856, amid strained Iran–Britain relations and war between the two states, Mirza Ahmad Khan and U.S. Minister Carol Spence signed a similar consular and commercial agreement in Istanbul, emphasizing the exchange of ambassadors; this materialized only in 1883 with the arrival of Samuel Greene Benjamin as the first American ambassador. Until World War I, Iran was not a priority in U.S. diplomacy, though the Iranian government sought to enlist a “third power” such as America—distant and without a colonial record—to counter Britain and Russia. The hiring of American financial advisers like Morgan Shuster and Arthur Millspaugh followed the same strategy. However, a substantial U.S. presence in Iran was delayed by Washington’s isolationist policy and obstruction by Iran’s northern and southern neighbors. World War II changed this dynamic: Britain and the Soviet Union, weakened and needing U.S. assistance to transport supplies from the Persian Gulf to the USSR, opened the door to American military and economic involvement in Iran. During the war, political and economic relations between the two nations intensified, and the United States became one of Iran’s principal trading partners. The literature review indicates that, to date, various works—including books, theses, and articles—have been written on Iran–U.S. relations; however, none has comprehensively and independently addressed the commercial relations between the two countries during World War II. Moreover, previous studies have not utilized statistical data published by the Customs Administration and Bank Melli Iran. Among the research relevant to this period is the article “Iran, the United States, and World War II” by Mohammad Amir Sheikh‑Nouri and Mohammad Valipour (2006), which examines U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union and the presence of American military forces in Iran. Hossein Abadian (2011), in his article “The United States and the Military Significance of Iran in World War II,” focuses on Iran’s geographical and military position. Similarly, Marjan Borhani (2015), in her article “Iran–U.S. Relations (1941–1945) Based on Documents,” presents an overview of the political, economic, and military relations between the two countries. Materials And Methods The present study examines Iran–U.S. commercial relations between 1941 and 1945 (1320–1324 SH), with the aim of addressing both the volume and diversity of goods exchanged between the two sides, as well as analyzing the factors and conditions that contributed to the expansion of bilateral trade. To investigate this topic, a descriptive–analytical method is employed, drawing upon library sources, archival documents, newspapers, and statistical data published in Bank Melli Iran Magazine, the Customs Administration, and Business Economics Magazine. This study employs tables and charts to illustrate the diversity, volume, and value of goods exported from Iran to the United States and vice versa. Result and Discussion The background of Iran–U.S. relations dates back to the early reign of Naser al‑Din Shah Qajar. At that time, Amir Kabir, seeking to involve the United States in Iran’s political arena to offset British and Russian pressure and interference, instructed Hajji Mirza Ahmad Khan, Iran’s envoy to the Ottoman Empire, to negotiate with the U.S. minister in that country. These negotiations resulted in the signing of a Treaty of Friendship and Navigation in 1851 CE. However, with Amir Kabir’s dismissal and British obstruction, the treaty’s exchange was abandoned. Five years later, in 1856 CE, when relations between Iran and Britain had deteriorated and war had broken out between them, a similar agreement concerning consular and commercial affairs was concluded in Istanbul between Mirza Ahmad Khan and U.S. Minister Carol Spence. This agreement emphasized the need to dispatch ambassadors; however, this occurred only more than two decades later, in 1883, when Samuel Greene Benjamin arrived as the first American ambassador to Iran. Until World War I, Iran remained outside the sphere of U.S. diplomatic interest. Since Amir Kabir’s time, however, Iran had sought to utilize a “third power” such as Austria, Germany, or the United States to curb Britain’s and Russia’s excessive demands. America, due to its geographical distance and lack of a colonial past, was considered a suitable choice. The employment of American financial advisers such as Morgan Shuster and Arthur Millspaugh was part of this same policy. Nonetheless, a substantial and sustained American presence in Iran failed to materialize—sometimes due to U.S. isolationism, and at other times owing to obstruction by Iran’s northern and southern neighbors. This situation persisted until World War II, when the weakening of Britain and the Soviet Union and their need for U.S. assistance to transport equipment from the Persian Gulf to the USSR finally created an opportunity for America. During this war, accompanied by the U.S. military presence in Iran and the hiring of American military and financial advisers, political and economic relations between the two nations expanded significantly, with the United States becoming one of Iran’s main trading partners. During World War II, Iran’s trade volume and value with the United States—particularly imports—rose sharply, making the U.S. Iran’s second‑largest trading partner. Key drivers of this shift included the American military presence in Iran, the employment of U.S. military and economic advisors, implementation of the U.S. Lend‑Lease Act, Iran’s strategy to counter British and Soviet influence through a “third power” (the U.S.), and America’s move from isolationism to active global engagement. Together, these factors significantly expanded bilateral trade in this period. Conclusions World War II marked a turning point in Iran–U.S. trade relations. Prior to this, Germany had been one of Iran’s most important trading partners; however, following the Allied occupation of Iran and the presence of American advisers, the United States replaced Germany and became one of Iran’s principal partners. The Iran–U.S. Trade Agreement and the Lend‑Lease Act played a key role in increasing Iran’s imports from the United States. Imports from the U.S. rose from about 2 percent before the occupation to an average of 17 percent, with their value growing from 7 percent to 19 percent of total imports. Likewise, the value of Iran’s exports to the United States doubled, and its share rose from an average of 12 percent to 22 percent, although the volume of exports remained unchanged. In most years, Iran’s trade balance with the United States was positive because the value of Iranian exports-such as carpets and gum tragacanth—exceeded that of imports, despite the fact that the volume of imports from the U.S. was several times greater than exports. In 1944 and 1945, due to the import of high‑value jewelry and the purchase of used wartime transport equipment, the trade balance turned negative. Iran’s principal export commodities to the United States included carpets, gum tragacanth, plant extracts, and animal products (excluding meat), while petroleum products accounted for the largest share by volume. On the other hand, transport equipment, tires, metals, paper products, and chemicals formed the bulk of imports from the United States. Together, these goods comprised 90 percent of the total value of trade between the two countries during this period. اشغال ایران در جنگ جهانی دوم، تغییرات گسترده‌ای در عرصه‌های سیاسی، اقتصادی، اجتماعی و روابط خارجی کشور به وجود آورد. پیش از جنگ، آلمان یکی از شرکای اصلی تجاری ایران بود، اما با اشغال ایران، آمریکا جایگزین آن شد. پژوهش حاضر با هدف بررسی روابط بازرگانی ایران و آمریکا در طول جنگ جهانی دوم، میزان و تنوع کالاهای مبادله‌شده و نیز دلایل نوسانات این مبادلات انجام شده است. این مطالعه با رویکردی توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با اتکا به منابع کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی، به‌ویژه احصائیه‌های تجاری ایران و آمارهای منتشرشده از سوی بانک ملی و اداره کل گمرک، تدوین شده است. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که در دوره جنگ جهانی دوم، حجم و ارزش مبادلات تجاری میان ایران و آمریکا، به‌ویژه واردات ایران از این کشور، روندی افزایشی داشته و آمریکا به دومین شریک تجاری ایران تبدیل شده است. از مهم‌ترین عوامل این تحول می‌توان به حضور نظامی آمریکا در ایران، استخدام مستشاران نظامی و اقتصادی آمریکایی، اجرای قانون وام و اجاره آمریکا، تلاش ایران برای کاهش نفوذ انگلیس و شوروی با بهره‌گیری از نیروی سوم (آمریکا) و نیز تغییر سیاست انزواطلبانه آمریکا به سوی حضور فعال در عرصه جهانی اشاره کرد. این عوامل در مجموع تأثیر چشمگیری بر گسترش تجارت میان ایران و آمریکا در این دوره داشته‌اند.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106342_4d4c0407b6ed51cfc446ca84f564437b.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 British Colonial Interventions in the Structure and Operations of Iran’s Postal Administration) A Case Study of the Abadan and Ahvaz Post Offices ( مداخلات استعماری انگلیس در ساختار و عملکرد ادارات پست ایران مطالعه موردی اداره پُست آبادان و اهواز 31 45 106618 10.48308/irhj.2026.242041.1468 FA الهام ملک‌زاده دانشیار پژوهشکده تاریخ، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی Journal Article 2025 10 17 Abstract During World War I, the British government, under military orders, established nine post offices in southern Iran, including Abadan and Ahvaz. Their continued operation after the war violated Iran’s sovereignty and deprived it of significant postal revenue. Seeking both international recognition as a sovereign state and economic benefits from postal services, Iran officially demanded the closure of these foreign offices through correspondence with the British Embassy in Tehran. This study uses archival documents from Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a documentary-analytical approach to explore how Iran, amid political, economic, and administrative instability caused by World War I, confronted the British and British Indian post offices. It examines the actions Iran took based on its Law on Postal Monopoly to end British colonial interference. Findings reveal that despite administrative weaknesses and external pressures, Iranian officials were acutely aware of the British offices’ interventionist and hegemonic activities. Through persistent administrative, legal, and diplomatic efforts, they sought to protect national sovereignty and recover Iran’s infringed political and economic rights. This response highlights Iran’s determination to assert its independence and control over its postal system despite significant challenges. Introduction The postal system was a central pillar of administrative governance and state communication in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and served functions beyond a purely technical service. In many settings, postal infrastructure became a means through which political influence and economic control could be consolidated, especially where strategic routes and imperial interests intersected. In the Persian Gulf region, control over communication routes carried particular weight because it supported military coordination and commercial exchange. Within this context, the Persian Gulf route and its connection with India held strategic importance for the British government. The British India Government sought to maintain direct control over the circulation of its administrative, military, and commercial correspondence along this route. The establishment of British and Indian post offices in ports and southern regions of Iran took shape within this framework and in response to Britain’s communication needs and colonial interests. Although these post offices were initially justified as facilitating communication and reducing transfer time, their activities gradually moved beyond the supervision of the Iranian government and effectively placed part of Iran’s postal sovereignty under foreign control. After Iran joined the Universal Postal Union and sought to create a coherent national postal structure, the continued operation of foreign post offices became a serious issue in the realm of sovereign and administrative rights. During World War I, British postal interference intensified in southern Iran. Citing military necessity, the British government established additional post offices in Abadan and Ahvaz and increased the number of its postal centers to nine. The continuation of these offices after the war conflicted with Iran’s domestic laws—particularly the Postal Monopoly Act—undermined the country’s independence and territorial sovereignty, and reduced state postal revenues, weakening the economic capacity of the Ministry of Post and Telegraph during the critical postwar period. Existing studies have often treated the history of postal services in Iran in general terms or addressed colonial interference within broader political narratives. Less attention has been given to the specific operation of British and Indian post offices and to the administrative, legal, and diplomatic mechanisms through which Iranian authorities confronted them, especially on the basis of archival correspondence. The objective of this study is to examine how the Iranian government confronted British and Indian post offices in southern Iran during the final years of World War I, using archival documents to clarify the measures adopted to restrain colonial interference and protect Iran’s political and economic rights. Materials And Methods The present study is a historical investigation employing a documentary–analytical approach based on the examination of archival documents preserved in the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The primary sources consist of official correspondence exchanged between Iranian postal administrations, the Ministry of Post and Telegraph, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the one hand, and representatives and authorities of the British government on the other. These documents were produced and circulated during the years 1337–1338 AH (1918–1919 CE), corresponding to the final phase of World War I. The central research question of this study concerns how the Iranian government confronted the activities of British and Indian post offices in southern Iran during this period and what legal, administrative, and diplomatic measures it adopted to restrain British postal interference. Data collection involved the identification, extraction, and classification of documents related to the establishment, expansion, and operation of British and Indian post offices in Abadan, Ahvaz, and other southern regions of Iran. The selected documents were examined for authenticity, date of issuance, and institutional context, with particular attention given to materials addressing violations of Iran’s postal sovereignty, financial losses incurred by the state, and references to domestic legal frameworks, especially the Postal Monopoly Act. In the analytical phase, the documents were treated not merely as descriptive records but as evidence of legal, political, and economic contestation between the Iranian government and Britain. Comparative analysis of internal Iranian correspondence and communications exchanged with British authorities made it possible to reconstruct decision-making processes and assess the constraints shaping Iran’s response. Result and Discussion Examination of archival documents from the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs shows that the activities of British and Indian post offices in southern Iran—particularly in Abadan and Ahvaz—were not confined to facilitating military or administrative correspondence. During World War I, the British government established additional postal offices, bringing their total number to nine. These offices continued to operate after the end of the war despite Iran’s membership in the Universal Postal Union and the provisions of domestic legislation, most notably the Postal Monopoly Act. Iranian postal officials repeatedly identified this continued operation as a violation of Iran’s postal sovereignty and territorial independence. The documents further indicate that British and Indian post offices handled not only foreign mail but also internal correspondence, often at tariffs lower than those set by Iranian postal regulations. This practice positioned foreign post offices as illegal competitors to Iranian postal administrations. Reports submitted by the Director General of the Post estimate that the resulting loss of revenue amounted to approximately four hundred thousand rials annually, a substantial sum in the context of declining state income during the postwar period. These findings demonstrate that British postal activity in southern Iran functioned as a form of structural interference rather than a temporary wartime measure. The expansion and persistence of foreign post offices undermined Iran’s efforts to consolidate a unified national postal system and weakened the financial capacity of the Ministry of Post and Telegraph at a critical historical moment. The archival correspondence reveals that Iranian authorities clearly recognized the intrusive nature of these activities and consistently framed them as incompatible with national law and sovereignty. In response, the Iranian government pursued a multifaceted strategy combining diplomatic engagement, legal argumentation, and administrative regulation. Communications with the British embassy in Tehran emphasized demands for the dissolution of foreign post offices and their transfer to Iranian control. Simultaneously, Iranian postal administrations sought to apply national regulations and tariffs to foreign postal activities. Although these measures did not always produce immediate results, they reflect an organized and deliberate effort to defend sovereign rights under conditions of administrative weakness and external pressure. From a methodological perspective, the reliance on archival correspondence highlights both the strengths and limitations of this study. While official documents provide detailed insight into institutional decision-making and legal reasoning, they primarily reflect the perspectives of state actors and may underrepresent informal practices or local responses. Nevertheless, the consistency of the archival record allows for a reliable reconstruction of the Iranian government’s strategies and priorities in confronting foreign postal interference. Conclusions Archival documents from the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs demonstrate that the activities of British and Indian post offices in southern Iran—particularly in Abadan and Ahvaz—exceeded a temporary or technical communicative role and became instruments of colonial postal interference. The establishment and continued operation of nine post offices during and after World War I occurred despite Iran’s membership in the Universal Postal Union and in contradiction to domestic legislation, most notably the Postal Monopoly Act. These activities undermined Iran’s postal sovereignty and reduced state revenues at a critical historical juncture. The findings indicate that Iranian statesmen and postal officials were not passive in the face of foreign interference. Despite administrative weakness, internal instability, and external pressure, they employed legal, administrative, and diplomatic measures to defend national interests and assert sovereign rights. This case illustrates how administrative institutions could function as arenas of resistance within constrained political environments. The study is limited by its reliance on official archival correspondence, which primarily reflects institutional perspectives and may not fully capture local or informal responses. Nevertheless, the findings contribute to a clearer understanding of the relationship between colonial interference and state administration. Future research may benefit from comparative studies of foreign postal activity in other regions of Iran or neighboring countries, as well as closer examination of the social and economic impacts of postal interference beyond administrative institutions. با آغاز جنگ جهانی اول، دولت بریتانیا به دستور فرماندهی نظامی خود اقدام به تأسیس و راه‌اندازی نُه دفتر پستی در آبادان، اهواز و دیگر نقاط جنوب ایران کرد. تداوم فعالیت این دفاتر پس از پایان جنگ نه‌تنها ناقض حاکمیت و استقلال ایران بود، بلکه دولت را از عواید قابل توجه پستی نیز محروم می‌ساخت. ازاین‌رو، دولت ایران از یک‌سو به‌عنوان دولتی مستقل که در پی مشارکت در کنگره جهانی پست بود و از سوی دیگر به‌منظور بهره‌برداری از درآمدهای پستی، مکاتبات رسمی با سفارت بریتانیا در تهران را آغاز کرد و خواستار انحلال دفاتر نُه‌گانه و واگذاری آن‌ها به دولت ایران شد. پژوهش حاضر با بهره‌گیری از روش تحقیق اسنادی ـ تحلیلی و بر پایه اسناد آرشیوی وزارت امور خارجه، در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که دولت ایران در شرایط نابسامان سیاسی، اقتصادی و اداری ناشی از جنگ جهانی اول چگونه با دفاتر پست هند و انگلیس مواجه شد و برای پایان دادن به مداخلات و سلطه استعماری انگلستان، با اتکا به قانون انحصار پست چه اقداماتی انجام داد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که مسئولان پستی و دولتمردان ایرانی، با وجود ضعف ساختار اداری و فشارهای خارجی، به ماهیت مداخله‌جویانه و سلطه‌طلبانه عملکرد دفاتر پستی بریتانیا آگاه بودند و از طریق پیگیری‌های اداری، حقوقی و دیپلماتیک در جهت حفظ منافع ملی و احقاق حقوق سیاسی و اقتصادی تضییع‌شده ایران تلاش کردند.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106618_6be5d3cc1b83e037709a75723339d522.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 Nader Shah's government faced with the problem of legitimacy دولت نادرشاه در مواجهه با دشواره مشروعیت 47 73 106620 10.48308/irhj.2026.241091.1444 FA رضا بیگدلو دانشیار تاریخ، گروه اجتماعی، پژوهشگاه علوم انتظامی و مطالعات اجتماعی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 08 13 The legitimacy of governments has been an issue for rulers in Iran from the past to the present. Legitimacy is a relative issue for all governments, and no government has had and will never have complete and absolute legitimacy. Many governments in Iran have also grappled with the issue of legitimacy and have even faced a crisis in this regard. Despite the military power of Cairo and the victory over the occupying enemies, the government of Nader Shah faced the issue of legitimacy from the very beginning of the Afshari dynasty, and over time this issue turned into a crisis of legitimacy. Using the historical method, this article seeks to answer the question of what were the causes and contexts of the crisis of legitimacy of the Naderi government and what was Nader's reaction to this crisis? The findings of the research suggest that two types of causes and contexts, originary and functional, caused problems and then crises in the legitimacy of Naderi's government. From the originary perspective, the existence of a deep-rooted rival legitimacy and the lack of lineage legitimacy were challenging that Nader always struggled with. According to the findings of the present study, functional legitimacy was a much more important factor that caused the erosion of legitimacy and made it critical. Performance based on tyranny, inefficiency and dysfunction of the government, crisis in identity and participation, attempts to transform the foundations of religious legitimacy, and the rupture of the knowledge-power relationship in legitimation were among the main causes of the crisis in the legitimacy of the Naderi government. Introduction Legitimacy is one of the oldest, most important, and most influential concepts in the social sciences and other fields of the humanities. It has always been one of the most important concerns of rulers and political organizations. Since the state came into existence, the need to legitimize power and government has also been born with it. The specific task of legitimacy is very important for the state. In fact, legitimacy is a justification of the right to rule and sovereignty by the ruler and the institution of the state, a justification of the right to command by the ruler and the necessity of obedience by the people. Any government that is established, no matter how powerful, still needs to legitimize its regime. It is this necessity for the continuation of government and the expansion of sovereignty that rulers and those in power, from the earliest stages of the establishment of governments, have always sought to legitimize and demonstrate their power in the eyes of the people and other governments in order to maintain their power and influence. For this reason, governments are always trying to establish their government's authority by relying on various factors and sources of legitimacy such as religion, tradition, customs, law, race, popular consent, ideology, etc. Nader's government, from the perspective of ups and downs, power and weakness, strength and fragility, is a source of wonder and surprise for every historian and government researcher, and the assumption of this article is that despite the military power and conquests that made Nader the last great conqueror of Asia, The sudden and surprising collapse of his power was due to the weakness of his original legitimacy and the erosion of his government's functional legitimacy. Documents and evidence show that legitimacy in Nader Shahi's government was the main concern of Nader and his government from the very beginning of the government. To this end, a series of measures and policies were taken to produce, reproduce, justify, and propagate its legitimacy and delegitimize its rivals. Despite these measures and programs, the process of producing and reproducing the legitimacy of the Naderi government faced increasing erosion, so that ultimately the Naderi government faced a situation that can be described as a crisis of legitimacy. This article, seeks to answer the question of what were the causes and contexts of the crisis of legitimacy of the Naderi government and on what basis was Nader's reaction to this crisis based? Materials And Methods Research Method The present research is a historical research type. In historical research, the research data is based on sources, documents, and evidence left by the research subject. The information gathering tool in this type of research is library resources, documents, and archival records. The analysis method will be historical analysis. Explanation in the historical analysis method is mainly based on induction. This means that by referring to the data, including documents, evidence, and remaining evidence, it attempts to reach some kind of theoretical conclusion. By examining the evidence and documents and thinking carefully about them, it attempts to discover existing patterns and deduce a general and agreed-upon opinion from the documents and evidence. Result and Discussion Considering the theoretical foundations of legitimacy, it seems that legitimacy is the problem of yesterday, today, and tomorrow for governments and those in power. Every government, no matter how powerful, still needs to legitimize its power. Naderi's government is an example of a government that, despite its extraordinary military power and victories over Iran's occupying enemies, fell into crisis due to weakness in legitimacy and suffered from weakness and erosion due to the lack of an appropriate response to the legitimacy problem. Accordingly, the present article, using the method of historical research, sought to answer the question of what were the causes and grounds of the legitimacy crisis of Naderi's government and what was Nader's response to this crisis? While most scholars have focused on the origin/precedence of the legitimacy problem of Nader's government, and the fact that Nader ignored the strong Safavid legitimacy and came from a subordinate lineage that did not have royal lineage, they have reduced the problem of Nader's legitimacy to an origin. This is despite the fact that, according to this article, the main crisis of legitimacy of Nader's government arose from functional legitimacy. Nader Shah's claim to legitimacy was in conflict with the legitimacy of the Safavids from the beginning, and there is ample evidence that the legitimacy of the Safavids was still deeply rooted in Nader's era. From this perspective, it can be said that the government of Nader Shah Afshar was challenged from the outset from the perspective of origin. In addition to the problem of his originary legitimacy, Nader also failed to produce, reproduce, and justify the legitimacy of his government from the perspective of function. The findings of the present study indicate that the problem of Nader's legitimacy was more in functional legitimacy than in originary legitimacy. Nader attempted to transform the religious foundations of the legitimacy of society. For this reason, he introduced the Ja'fari religion, and in fact, Sunnism, which was met with a cold reaction and rejection by the Shiite and fanatic majority of the people. The change in religious foundations and the entry of new and alien religious and ethnic elements led to identity divergence and a crisis in participation. Nader based his rule on tyranny, violence, and absolute tyranny. Conclusions Despite all the measures Nader Shah took to legitimize his government and delegitimize claimants to power, his efforts were not successful. This had several reasons. In addition to persuasive and theoretical issues, Nader's government failed to fulfill its inherent special task. Despite the removal of foreign occupation and his famous conquests, which were expected to bring prosperity and peace to the people, Nader's government itself became a factor in insecurity, excess, and the destruction of cities and villages. Ultimately, Nader's reliance on legitimacy based on militarism, which was the strength of his government, led to his own downfall and destruction. Thus, Nader was a major failure in creating legitimacy for her government, which she was unable to resolve from the beginning of her reign to its end. مشروعیت دولت‌ها مسئله‌ای از گذشته تا به امروز برای حکمرانان در ایران است. مشروعیت برای همه دولت‌ها امری نسبی است و هیچ دولتی مشروعیت تام و مطلق نداشته و نخواهد داشت. بسیاری از دولت‌ها در ایران نیز با مسئله مشروعیت دست‌به‌گریبان شده و حتی در این امر دچار بحران نیز شده‌اند. دولت نادرشاه باوجود قدرت نظامی قاهره آن و پیروزی بر دشمنان اشغالگر از بدو تأسیس سلسله افشاری با مسئله مشروعیت مواجه شد و در طی زمان این مسئله تبدیل به بحران مشروعیت شد. این مقاله با استفاده از روش تاریخی به دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که علل و زمینه‌های بحران مشروعیت دولت نادری چه بود و واکنش نادر در مقابل این بحران چه بوده است؟ یافته‌های پژوهش بر آن است دو گونه علل و زمینه‌های خاستگاهی و کارکردی باعث ایجاد مشکل و سپس بحران در مشروعیت دولت نادری شدند. از منظر خاستگاهی وجود مشروعیت ریشه‌دار رقیب و فقدان مشروعیت تباری از چالش‌هایی بودند که همواره نادر با آنها دست‌به‌گریبان بود. طبق یافته پژوهش حاضر، مشروعیت کارکردی عوامل به‌مراتب مهم‌تری بودند که زمینه فرسایش مشروعیت و بحرانی ساختن آن را موجب شدند. عملکرد مبتنی بر جباریت، ناکارآمدی و کژکارکردی دولت، بحران در هویت و مشارکت، تلاش برای دگرگون‌سازی مبانی مشروعیت مذهبی و گسست رابطه دانش-قدرت در مشروعیت‌سازی از علل اصلی پیدایش بحران در مشروعیت دولت نادری بود.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106620_a738929c09e8bbc154c9c9fa49db0a5d.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 The Approach of the Akhtar Newspaper to the Challenges and Solutions of Trade in the Qajar Era رویکرد روزنامه اختر به چالش‌ها و راهکارهای تجارت عصر قاجار 75 104 106619 10.48308/irhj.2026.241133.1449 FA فاطمه جعفرنیا استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران. محمد عزیزنژاد دانش‌آموخته دکتری تاریخ ایران اسلامی، اردبیل، ایران. Journal Article 2025 08 20 This study employs a descriptive-analytical method and qualitative content analysis to explore the economic discourse in the Akhtar newspaper, published in Istanbul from 1875 to 1896. Operating independently of Iran's political constraints, Akhtar enjoyed notable freedom from censorship, allowing it to express critiques and propose solutions for Iran's economic challenges during the late Qajar period. The research analyzes various topics covered by the newspaper, including trade, handicrafts, currency, banking, insurance, and commercial enterprises. The main inquiry examines the obstacles to Iran's trade development identified by Akhtar, along with its proposed solutions. Key impediments highlighted include governmental inaction, lack of economic organization, fraud in export goods, a chronic trade deficit, and outdated commercial laws. To address these issues, Akhtar advocated for essential reforms, such as the establishment of joint-stock companies, banks, and insurance firms, as well as participation in international exhibitions to enhance Iran’s integration into the global economy. Additionally, a significant finding is Akhtar's deliberate effort to introduce classical economic thought, highlighted by the translation and publication of excerpts from Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations in a series titled "Principles of the Science of the Wealth of Nations." Content analysis suggests that the newspaper's economic philosophy can be characterized as "Prudential Liberalism," a hybrid approach that supports free-market principles while endorsing strategic state intervention to overcome institutional barriers. This research reconstructs Akhtar's economic analysis and proposes the "Prudential Liberalism" framework, offering valuable insights into the late Qajar economic reform discourse and the evolution of indigenous economic thought in Iran. Introduction The nineteenth century and Europe’s Industrial Revolution fundamentally reshaped Iran’s economic relations with the West. Iran’s traditional export-based economy—centered on silk, handicrafts, and agricultural goods—was gradually undermined by the influx of cheap, mass-produced European merchandise, particularly textiles. This process eroded domestic industries, entrenched persistent trade deficits, and generated a structural dependence on imports, decisively altering Iran’s economic trajectory. Although political consolidation under the Qajar dynasty facilitated expanded commercial ties with Europe, these relations were formalized through a series of profoundly unequal treaties. Beginning with the Treaty of Turkmenchay in 1828, Iran was subjected to low, fixed tariff regimes that overwhelmingly favored European manufactured goods. This legal and commercial framework constrained Iran’s capacity to protect domestic production and pursue autonomous industrial development, effectively locking the country into a subordinate position within the emerging global economic order. In response to these conditions, the Persian-language newspaper Akhtar, published in Istanbul beyond the immediate reach of Qajar censorship, emerged as a critical forum for economic analysis and reformist advocacy. Closely connected to merchant and intellectual circles, Akhtar devoted considerable attention to commercial intelligence, critiques of international treaties, and discussions of Iran’s structural economic weaknesses. It consistently emphasized institutional modernization as a prerequisite for economic recovery. The newspaper called for the establishment of modern financial institutions such as banks and insurance companies, the standardization of weights and measures, the development of a formal commercial legal code, and the promotion of domestic industry through protective policies and participation in international exhibitions. These proposals reflected an effort to reconcile engagement with global markets with the strengthening of internal economic foundations. Despite substantial scholarship on Qajar-era economic history, Akhtar’s economic ideology remains insufficiently examined through systematic analysis of its articles. This study addresses that gap through qualitative content analysis, focusing on how Akhtar diagnosed the causes of Iran’s commercial stagnation and articulated institutional and policy remedies. It further examines the apparent tension between Akhtar’s endorsement of classical liberal economic principles and its insistence on a proactive state role, interpreting this synthesis through the conceptual framework of “Prudential Liberalism.” Materials And Methods This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach and employs qualitative content analysis to examine the economic discourse of the Persian-language newspaper Akhtar. Its primary objective is to identify core themes related to trade and the economy of Iran as articulated in Akhtar and to reconstruct the newspaper’s perspective on economic challenges and proposed remedies during the Qajar period. The temporal scope of the study spans the years 1292–1314 AH (1875–1896 CE), a period selected due to the continuity of Akhtar’s publication and the density of its economic discussions. Data were extracted directly from the printed issues of the newspaper, ensuring reliance on primary historical sources. From the complete corpus of Akhtar, only articles, reports, and analytical notes meeting three criteria were selected: direct engagement with Iranian trade and commerce; inclusion of economic analysis or evaluative judgment rather than advertisements or brief news items; and historical relevance to the defined period of study. Based on these criteria, twenty-four issues were identified and selected as the primary analytical units. The unit of analysis is defined as an “article or analytical note.” Selected texts were coded using an initial conceptual framework that organized key themes into eight principal axes: balance of trade and foreign commerce; product quality and export fraud; weights and measures; banking and insurance systems; coinage and the silver crisis; commercial law and bills of exchange; transportation infrastructure; and companies and international exhibitions. To ensure analytical rigor and coherence, all texts were first summarized and systematically organized. The analysis was grounded in qualitative, interpretive content analysis, through which recurring themes and patterns within each axis were identified and examined in relation to the historical context of the Qajar era. This approach prioritized analytical depth and conceptual insight over quantitative description. Where Akhtar referenced quantitative data—such as export figures or trade balances—these were cross-checked against contemporary sources to assess their approximate reliability. Nevertheless, the study primarily relies on discursive analysis, with statistical data serving a supplementary role. A further limitation is the exclusive focus on a single newspaper, which necessarily reflects a particular intellectual and political orientation; this constraint has been carefully considered in interpreting the findings. Overall, this methodological framework enables a systematic analysis of Akhtar’s economic themes, perspectives, and policy proposals, providing a foundation for assessing whether its economic thought can be coherently interpreted within the analytical framework of “Prudential Liberalism.” Result and Discussion The analysis of the Akhtar newspaper reveals that Iranian commerce during the Qajar era was viewed not only as an economic activity but also as a key factor in national development. The newspaper identified three main obstacles to trade: institutional weaknesses, inadequate infrastructure, and socio-cultural limitations. It highlighted issues such as chronic trade deficits, declining quality of exports, a lack of standardized weights and measures, the absence of modern financial institutions like banks and insurance companies, and the crisis surrounding silver coinage. These structural barriers were deemed to require government intervention. Akhtar emphasized that export growth depended on strengthening domestic production, improving product quality, and implementing targeted government policies. The standardization of weights and measures was considered essential for market transparency, reflecting a pragmatic balance between free-market principles and state regulation. Additionally, the newspaper advocated for the establishment of modern financial institutions, underscoring that reliable banks and insurance systems were crucial for economic stability and international integration. Transportation and infrastructural deficiencies were also central to Akhtar’s analysis. Efficient transport networks were deemed vital for enabling specialization, expanding domestic markets, and supporting both agricultural and industrial trade. Resistance to innovation and the absence of supportive institutions further contributed to economic stagnation, highlighting the need for comprehensive and strategic interventions. The monetary crisis, particularly the decline in the credibility of silver coinage, illustrated the limitations of market mechanisms without sound governance. Akhtar argued that stable currency and institutional reliability were prerequisites for effective trade and economic development. Overall, Akhtar combined classical economic concepts with reformist strategies, advocating for a mix of market practices and institutional support. The newspaper served as a mediator, adapting Western economic ideas to fit the social, cultural, and institutional context of Qajar Iran. Its approach reflects a pragmatic liberal perspective, emphasizing that sustainable commerce requires both competitive markets and robust institutional frameworks. Conclusions This study illustrates that the Akhtar newspaper played a crucial role in analyzing and proposing solutions for the challenges faced by Iranian commerce during the Qajar era. By systematically examining issues such as trade deficits, declining export quality, weak institutional frameworks, inadequate transportation, and monetary instability, Akhtar highlighted the critical obstacles to economic development. The newspaper consistently emphasized that sustainable trade required both market mechanisms and active institutional intervention, advocating for the establishment of banks, insurance systems, standardization of weights and measures, and improved transport infrastructure. Akhtar's approach demonstrates a practical adaptation of classical economic ideas, particularly those from Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, to the Iranian context. The newspaper did not simply replicate Western concepts but instead modified them to address domestic realities. This reflects a reform-oriented liberal perspective that can be described as "pragmatic liberalism." This framework combines respect for market principles with targeted state involvement to rectify institutional failures and promote national development. In conclusion, the analysis of Akhtar reveals that the newspaper served as a bridge between global economic thought and local policy recommendations. Its reformist and educational role provide a valuable reference for understanding the evolution of economic ideas in Iran and demonstrates how the media can contribute to shaping public awareness and policy strategies in transitional economies. روزنامه اختر که در استانبول و خارج از قلمرو سیاسی ایران منتشر می‌شد، به‌دلیل برخورداری از آزادی نسبی از سانسور، قادر بود دیدگاه‌های اقتصادی و اجتماعی خود را شفاف‌تر بیان کند. یکی از محورهای مهم این نشریه، تحلیل چالش‌های تجارت ایران در عصر قاجار بود. این پژوهش با رویکردی توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و مبتنی بر تحلیل محتوای کیفی، مقالات اقتصادی اختر را در سال‌های 1292 تا 1314ق/1875 تا 1896م بررسی کرده است. داده‌های مورد مطالعه شامل یادداشت‌ها و گزارش‌هایی درباره تجارت، صنایع دستی، مسکوکات، اوزان و مقیاس‌ها، بیمه، بانک و شرکت‌های تجاری است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش آن است که اختر چه موانعی را برای توسعه تجارت ایران شناسایی کرده و چه راهکارهایی ارائه داده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که از نگاه این نشریه، عواملی چون انفعال دولت، نبود سازماندهی اقتصادی، تقلب در تولید کالاهای صادراتی، تراز منفی بازرگانی و فقدان قوانین نوین تجاری از مهم‌ترین مشکلات ساختاری اقتصاد ایران بوده‌اند. اختر در کنار نقد این وضعیت، بر ضرورت ایجاد نهادهای جدید اقتصادی مانند شرکت‌های سهامی، بانک‌ها، بیمه و برگزاری نمایشگاه‌های بین‌المللی تأکید می‌کرد و آن‌ها را لازمه پیوستن ایران به اقتصاد جهانی می‌دانست. این بررسی همچنین آشکار می‌سازد که اختر به‌طور هدفمند بخش‌هایی از کتاب «ثروت ملل» آدام اسمیت را ترجمه و در قالب سلسله‌مقالاتی با عنوان «مبادی علم ثروت ملل» منتشر کرده است تا اصول اقتصاد بازار را در فضای فکری ایرانِ قاجار مطرح کند. تحلیل محتوای این مقالات نشان می‌دهد که رویکرد اقتصادی اختر در چارچوب «لیبرالیسم تدبیری» قابل تبیین است؛ یعنی پذیرش اصول بازار آزاد همراه با باور به مداخله اصلاح‌گرایانه دولت برای رفع موانع نهادی. این پژوهش با بازسازی تحلیلی سیاست‌های اقتصادی اختر و ارائه این چارچوب مفهومی، امکان فهمی عمیق‌تر از گفتمان اصلاح اقتصادی اواخر قاجار و روند شکل‌گیری ایده‌های بومی اقتصاد در ایران را فراهم می‌کند.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106619_7329883d23bb78f2e525192494e0ec52.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 Constructing a New Iranian Identity in the Arab Society of Khuzestan during the First Pahlavi Period with an Emphasis on the Role of Schools ساخت هویت نوین ایرانی در جامعۀ عرب خوزستان دورۀ پهلوی اول با تأکید بر نقش مدارس 105 132 106617 10.48308/irhj.2026.242569.1474 FA محمد البوعلی دکتری تاریخ ایران بعد اسلام از دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 11 20 The policy of school-building was pursued throughout the reign of Reza Shah as one of the main pillars in constructing a new Iranian national identity. With the aim of centralizing power and strengthening national cohesion, the Pahlavi state implemented new educational policies across the country, and the Arab community of Khuzestan was no exception. This article examines the school-building policy and the expansion of modern education among the Arabs of Khuzestan during 1925–1941. The main research questions concern the significance of the school-building movement in Arab-inhabited regions, the extent to which its objectives were fulfilled, and the geographical scope of its quantitative growth. Based on the historical method and drawing on archival documents and periodicals from the Reza Shah era, the findings indicate that the establishment of state schools in Arab regions served not only as a means of promoting literacy and education but also as an instrument for the penetration and dissemination of elements of the new official national identity, national values, and, simultaneously, the weakening of local identity. The research further shows that, alongside the financial resources of the Ministry of Education, institutions such as the Oil Company and military forces in Khuzestan played an influential role in advancing this policy. Available statistics demonstrate that the state devoted greater attention to the school-building movement in the Arab community of Khuzestan than in other parts of the country, as this policy was perceived as a tool for consolidating the state’s identity discourse and tightening regional control. Introduction In modern states, education is widely regarded as one of the most effective instruments for shaping social consciousness and disseminating national identity. Modern schooling, through carefully designed curricula and institutional discipline, enables governments to transmit official discourses and legitimize new political and cultural orders. Military power alone is insufficient to sustain modern authoritarian states; rather, minimum legitimacy must be achieved by embedding the dominant ideology within the minds of social actors. Consequently, modern education systems and schools became the most powerful tools through which centralized governments sought to produce obedient, loyal, and culturally homogeneous citizens. Theoretical perspectives on state power emphasize this role of education. Antonio Gramsci famously described education and mass communication as the “two blades of scissors” wielded by the ruling class to secure cultural hegemony. Similarly, Louis Althusser identified educational institutions as key ideological state apparatuses that reproduce dominant values and norms across generations. No other institution occupies such a significant portion of an individual’s life as the school, where students spend years internalizing official narratives, symbols, and identities. Arab Khuzestan presented a unique challenge to the centralizing ambitions of the early Pahlavi state. The region was organized around tribal structures, with lineage and the Arabic language forming the foundation of its social order. Powerful tribal leaders, most notably Sheikh Khaz‘al, and strong local identities limited the influence of the central government. As a result, Khuzestan acquired heightened strategic importance for state planners, who increasingly viewed education as a means of transforming the region’s social and cultural fabric. From the late Qajar period onward, intellectuals and policymakers emphasized the necessity of reshaping local identities through education. This article examines the expansion of modern schooling in Arab Khuzestan during the first Pahlavi period and addresses the following question: What role did modern schools play in promoting the official Iranian national identity among the Arab population of Khuzestan? By employing a historical method and relying on archival documents and contemporary sources, this study aims to contribute to the historiography of education, identity, and state formation in modern Iran. Materials And Methods Given the historical nature of the subject, this research adopts a descriptive-analytical methodology. This approach involves first describing the development of modern education in Arab Khuzestan and then analyzing its political, cultural, and ideological implications within the broader framework of Pahlavi nation-building policies. The study is based primarily on library research and archival documentation, allowing for a systematic reconstruction of educational policies and practices during the first Pahlavi period. The main sources used in this research include official government documents preserved in the National Archives of Iran, reports of the Ministry of Education, administrative correspondence, statistical records, national newspapers, and cultural journals published between 1925 and 1941. These sources provide quantitative data on the number of schools, students, and budgets, as well as qualitative insights into the ideological objectives of educational reforms. In addition, memoirs and contemporary travel accounts have been consulted to contextualize official narratives and assess local responses to educational expansion.To enhance analytical precision, the collected data were categorized thematically into sections addressing traditional education, early modern schools, language policy, institutional support, and regional implementation. Comparative analysis was also employed to assess Khuzestan’s educational development relative to other Iranian provinces. This comparison helps demonstrate the exceptional level of state investment in schooling within Arab-inhabited areas. Throughout the research process, the principle of source reliability was strictly observed. Official documents were cross-referenced with independent contemporary accounts to minimize bias and ensure accuracy. By integrating qualitative discourse analysis with quantitative data, the study seeks to provide a balanced and nuanced interpretation of how modern education functioned as a tool of identity construction and political integration in Arab Khuzestan during the first Pahlavi era. Result and Discussion The findings of this study reveal that modern education in Arab Khuzestan during the first Pahlavi period was deeply intertwined with the state’s nation-building agenda. Prior to the establishment of Pahlavi rule, education in the region was dominated by traditional maktabs, where instruction was largely conducted in Arabic and focused on religious and classical subjects. Although modern schools began to emerge in Khuzestan before 1925, they operated within a relatively pluralistic linguistic and cultural framework. Following the consolidation of Pahlavi authority and the removal of Sheikh Khaz‘al, the state initiated an intensive school-building campaign in Arab-inhabited areas. These new schools were designed according to centralized regulations, with Persian designated as the sole language of instruction. Education thus became a primary mechanism through which the state sought to weaken tribal structures, marginalize Arabic, and inculcate a unified national identity based on Persian language, ancient Iranian history, and loyalty to the monarchy. Institutionally, the expansion of education in Khuzestan was supported not only by the Ministry of Education but also by the military and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. Archival evidence demonstrates that oil revenues and corporate assistance played a crucial role in financing school construction, teachers’ salaries, and educational facilities, particularly in cities such as Ahvaz, Abadan, and Khorramshahr. As a result, the pace of school construction in Khuzestan surpassed that of many other Iranian provinces. Statistical data further indicate a significant increase in student enrollment, including the establishment of girls’ schools for the first time in several Arab cities. While these developments contributed to rising literacy rates and greater access to education, they also facilitated the penetration of state ideology into everyday life. School curricula emphasized Persian language proficiency, national symbols, and historical narratives aligned with the official discourse of Iranian nationalism. Local responses to these policies were not uniform. Some segments of the Arab elite embraced modern education as a means of social mobility and integration into state institutions. Others, however, perceived schooling as an instrument of cultural assimilation and identity erosion. Despite these tensions, the gradual institutionalization of modern education succeeded in embedding elements of the official national identity within younger generations. Overall, the results confirm that schooling in Arab Khuzestan functioned as a dual-purpose institution: it promoted modernization and literacy while simultaneously serving as a strategic tool for cultural homogenization and political control. Conclusions This study demonstrates that the expansion of modern education in Arab Khuzestan during the first Pahlavi period was an integral component of the state’s broader nation-building strategy. School construction and educational reform were not merely aimed at cultural development but were deeply embedded in efforts to consolidate central authority, promote linguistic unity, and reshape local identities in peripheral regions. The findings show that modern schools played a decisive role in disseminating the official Iranian national identity through the promotion of the Persian language and state-sanctioned historical narratives, often at the expense of Arabic language and local cultural practices. The involvement of institutions such as the military and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company highlights the strategic importance attributed to education in Khuzestan. While modern education contributed to increased literacy and social transformation, its top-down and homogenizing approach also generated cultural tensions and a sense of marginalization among parts of the Arab population. The experience of Arab Khuzestan thus illustrates the complex relationship between education, identity, and power in modern Iran and underscores the central role of schooling in the Pahlavi state’s project of constructing a unified national identity. سیاست مدرسه‌سازی به‌عنوان یکی از ارکان اصلی برساختن هویت جدید ایرانی در سراسر دوره پهلوی اول دنبال شد. دولت رضاشاه با هدف تمرکز قدرت و تقویت انسجام ملی، سیاست‌های آموزشی نوینی را در سراسر کشور به اجرا گذاشت که جامعه عرب خوزستان نیز از آن مستثنا نبود. این مقاله به بررسی سیاست مدرسه‌سازی و گسترش آموزش نوین در جامعه عرب خوزستان طی سال‌های ۱۳۰۴ تا ۱۳۲۰ش می‌پردازد. پرسش اصلی پژوهش آن است که نهضت مدرسه‌سازی در میان عرب‌های خوزستان چه نقشی در پذیرش هویت جدید ایرانی داشت؟ تحقیق حاضر با روش تاریخی و بر پایه اسناد و نشریات دوره رضاشاه انجام شده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که تأسیس مدارس دولتی در مناطق عرب‌نشین نه‌تنها ابزاری برای گسترش سواد و آموزش بود، بلکه وسیله‌ای برای نفوذ و ترویج عناصر هویت رسمی نوین، ارزش‌های ملی و در عین حال تضعیف هویت محلی به شمار می‌آمد. همچنین روشن شد که در کنار منابع مالی وزارت معارف، نهادهایی چون شرکت نفت و نیروهای ارتش در خوزستان نقش مؤثری در پیشبرد این سیاست داشتند. بر اساس آمار موجود، توجه دولت به نهضت مدرسه‌سازی در جامعه عرب خوزستان بیش از دیگر مناطق کشور بوده است، چراکه این سیاست ابزاری برای تحکیم گفتار هویتی دولت و کنترل منطقه‌ای تلقی می‌شد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106617_3c0455cf3ed59ca6cfea1ce26309d576.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 Family economy and the role of Urban women in the Qajar era: An analysis of historical newspapers (1319-1343 AH) اقتصاد خانواده و نقش زنان شهری دوره قاجار: تحلیل روزنامه‌های تاریخی (1319-1343ق) 133 159 106734 10.48308/irhj.2026.243095.1484 FA زهرا غفارزاده دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ ایران بعد از اسلام، گروه تاریخ، دانشکده حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران. محمد سلماسی‌زاده استاد گروه تاریخ، دانشکده حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز،ایران Journal Article 2025 12 30 Abstract The present study, based on Georg Simmel's theoretical framework and concepts such as monetary economy, consumption, women's work, contentment, extravagance, and marriage for money, analyzes the role of urban women in the family's economic management during the Qajar period. This study examines the urban society of the Qajar period, focusing on newspapers published in Iran between 1319 and 1343 AH. Women during the Qajar period were divided into three groups: urban, rural, and tribal, which played a different role in the family economy; while rural and tribal women had a more direct participation in household production and income, the role of urban women was mainly managerial and supervisory and was defined within the framework of consumption and organizing the household economy. The newspapers reflect the society's attitude towards changing and improving the role of urban women in the family economy. By criticizing extravagance and preference for imported goods, these newspapers encouraged women to be content and defined a new role for them. Also, encouraging income generation through handicraft training and women-only factories were proposed as solutions for economic empowerment. Newspapers also pointed out the social consequences of unemployment and lack of job opportunities for women and examined its relationship with non-normative behaviors. The research, with a descriptive-analytical approach, by analyzing the qualitative content of newspapers and using library resources, answers the question of how urban women played a role in family economic management and what newspapers' attitude toward this role. The findings show that newspapers were active in changing traditional attitude towards the economic role of urban women and encouraged them to have relative economic independence, make decisions in marriage, and maintain personal dignity; an issue that can be explained by the components of monetary economy and consumption in Simmel's theory. Introduction The family economy in urban society during the Qajar period is one of the areas that has received less attention in classical historiography, and the role of women in it has often been portrayed as marginal. Most historical narratives have considered urban women dependent on men's income and lacking an effective role in organizing the family's livelihood. However, a study of press sources from the Qajar period shows that everyday urban life inevitably involved women in economic issues, and they cannot be considered passive actors. As emerging media, Qajar newspapers have also addressed social and economic issues of urban society in addition to political news. In the meantime, women have been presented not only as moral or family subjects, but also as a group exposed to poverty, inequality, and economic instability. In many articles, press writers, in an educational or warning tone, invited women to control their expenses, avoid waste, save, and be prudent in their consumption. These recommendations show that the economic management of the home was implicitly considered a female responsibility. The press has also paid attention to the social consequences of women’s economic crisis. The reference to marriages based on financial means reflects a situation In which the economy overshadows family relationships and personal decisions. This situation can be analyzed within the theoretical framework of Georg Simmel, where money becomes a determining factor in redefining social relationships and calculating logic prevails over emotional bonds. Studies such as Vantin Moghadam essay (2016) or studies based on travelogues like Alizadeh Biejandi (2015) essay, as a research background shows that studies of women in the Qajar era have focused more on their general social status or their economic participation in the form of wage labor and handicrafts, although they provide valuable information but they have paid less attention to the role of urban women in the family economy and the press discourse surrounding it. Therefore, the present study, focusing on newspapers of the Qajar period and relying on Simmel's theory, attempts to present a new picture of the economic role of urban women. Materials And Methods The research method of this study is descriptive-analytical and uses qualitative content analysis to examine newspapers. The theoretical framework of the study is based on the theories of Georg Simmel, which has been used in data analysis. The research data have been collected through library resources and newspapers published between 1319 and 1343 AH. In addition to newspaper resources, travelogues have also been used as a background for entering into discussions and understanding the social and cultural contexts of the period under study. The present study seeks to answer the main question of how urban women played a role in family economic management and what approach did newspapers have towards this role? Also, sub-questions include how did the Qajar period press examine the role of women in the family economy and what challenges and limitations were raised regarding women's economic role in the family space? The purpose of the research is to analyze the approach of newspapers towards the role of women in the family economy using Simmel's theoretical framework. Result and Discussion This research was conducted in two parts: "The Role of Women in the Family Economy" and "Economic Management Strategies" and analyzed newspapers published between 1319 and 1343 AH to examine the status of urban women in the Qajar period. Georg Simmel's theoretical framework, especially his views in the book "The Philosophy of Money", was also taken into account in the data analysis. The role of urban Qajar women in the family economy was examined in newspapers under several axes: encouraging women to work, illegal jobs, economic control of the family, and money marriages. Each of these axes can be analyzed in Simmel's theoretical framework. One of the most important issues raised in newspapers was encouraging women to work and learn skills. By proposing the establishment of handicraft schools and factories for women, the newspapers tried to reduce unemployment and women's economic dependence on their husbands. Their main concern was the spread of unemployment and the turning of women without income to illegal jobs such as begging and prostitution. Newspapers such as Qalam Azad, which were published in the late Qajar period, have explicitly criticized this situation. Although travelogues treat these issues superficially, newspapers emphasized the need to deal with these phenomena seriously. This approach is also consistent with Simmel's view; he criticizes these behaviors from a psychological perspective and considers them a sign of a disruption in the value of money. The second part of the study is dedicated to the strategies proposed by newspapers for women's economic management. One of these strategies was to control the family economy by recording income and expenses. Newspapers highlighted the role of the housewife in maintaining the family's wealth; for example, the newspaper Danesh introduced the woman as "the keeper of the husband's wealth." Another part of the study deals with economic marriages and divorces and shows that the economic factor played a fundamental role in these decisions. This is consistent with Simmel's theory about marriages based on money, which he considers to belong to primitive societies. There are newspaper reports of people seeking profit from registering a marriage between a woman and two men, a situation that arose from the economicization of marriage, leading some to propose the establishment of official institutions to combat it. Newspapers then gave women advice on how to avoid extravagance, such as warning against extravagance, encouraging modesty in dress, and managing income and expenses. Buying luxury goods, competing in shopping, and spending money on magic were considered examples of extravagance. They also emphasized the consumption of domestic goods and the avoidance of luxury. These views are consistent with Simmel's view that money depreciates due to extravagance. Overall, the newspapers tried to encourage women to manage the family economy and avoid unemployment and illegal jobs. Although Simmel considers some phenomena, such as money marriages, to be specific to primitive societies, a study of the newspapers shows that Qajar society can be considered a society in transition. Conclusions A review of press materials from the Qajar period shows that newspapers redefined women’s status by encouraging them to play a role in economic life and providing solutions for managing the family economy. Newspaper sources from 1319 to 1343 AH advised women to regulate consumption, control expenses, and employ new economic methods to maintain the family’s livelihood balance. This approach indicates that the press considered women part of the project of economic regulation of society. In the constitutional intellectual atmosphere, recommendations such as thrift, saving, and preference for domestic products went beyond the level of individual advice and became a reformist tool for reducing economic dependence. Assigning the realization of these goals to women highlights their role in transferring new economic values into the family. However, this role was accompanied by structural and patriarchal restrictions. Therefore, Qajar society can be considered a society in transition, in which the press played a role in the gradual shaping of its new economic order. An order that can be considered in line with Simmel's analysis of the link between the monetary economy and social values. پژوهش حاضر با تکیه بر چارچوب نظری گئورگ زیمل و مفاهیمی چون اقتصاد پولی، مصرف، کار زنان، قناعت، ولخرجی و ازدواج برای پول، به تحلیل نقش زنان شهری دوره‌ی قاجار در مدیریت اقتصادی خانواده می‌پردازد. این پژوهش با تمرکز بر روزنامه‌های منتشرشده در ایران بین سال‌های ۱۳۱۹ تا ۱۳۴۳ هجری قمری، جامعه‌ی شهری قاجار را بررسی می‌کند. زنان دوره‌ی قاجار به سه گروه شهری، روستایی و ایلیاتی تقسیم می‌شدند که هر یک نقش متفاوتی در اقتصاد خانواده ایفا می‌کردند؛ در حالی که زنان روستایی و ایلیاتی مشارکت مستقیم‌تری در تولید و درآمد خانوار داشتند، نقش زنان شهری عمدتاً مدیریتی و نظارتی و در چارچوب مصرف و سامان‌دهی اقتصاد خانه تعریف می‌شد.روزنامههای آن دوره نمایانگر نگرش جامعه نسبت به تغییر و ارتقای نقش زنان شهری در اقتصاد خانواده هستند. این روزنامهها با نقد ولخرجی و ترجیح کالاهای وارداتی، زنان را به قناعت ترغیب و نقش جدیدی برای آنان تعریف میکردند. همچنین تشویق به کسب درآمد از طریق آموزش هنرهای دستی و کارخانههای مختص زنان، راهکارهایی برای توانمندسازی اقتصادی مطرح شدند. روزنامهها همچنین به پیامدهای اجتماعی بیکاری و فقدان فرصتهای شغلی برای زنان اشاره کرده و ارتباط آن را با رفتارهای خلاف هنجار بررسی کردند که این موضوع یکی از شیوههای انتقادی بود که توسط روزنامه ها به طور مداوم پیگیری میشد. پژوهش با رویکرد توصیفی- تحلیلی با تحلیل محتوای کیفی روزنامهها و استفاده از منابع کتابخانهای، به این پرسش پاسخ میدهد چگونه زنان شهری در مدیریت اقتصادی خانواده نقش ایفا کردند و روزنامهها چه نگرشی نسبت به این نقش داشتند. یافتهها نشان میدهد روزنامهها در تغییر نگرش سنتی نسبت به نقش اقتصادی زنان شهری فعال بودند و آنان را به استقلال نسبی اقتصادی، تصمیمگیری در ازدواج و حفظ کرامت فردی تشویق میکردند؛ موضوعی که با مؤلفه‌های اقتصاد پولی و مصرف در نظریه‌ی زیمل قابل تبیین است.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106734_0609d5380574e79cd36ef9f4715a5b05.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 Analyzing the Religion of Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani from the Perspective of Prose “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-hadrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar” بررسی رویکرد مذهبی ناصرالدین منشی‌کرمانی از منظرِ نثرِ «سِمط ‌العُلی لِلحضره العلیا» و «نَسائم الاسحار مِن لَطائم‌الاخبار» 161 180 106725 10.48308/irhj.2026.240924.1441 FA جمشید روستا دانشیار گروه تایخ دانشگاه شهید باهنر کرمان، کرمان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 08 01 Abstract “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar” are two valuable works by Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani, a historian, writer, and head of the Kerman Rasa’el Divan during the reign of the Qara-Khitai goverment. The first book is one of the important sources of local history of Kerman during the seventh and early eighth centuries, and the second book is also a valuable work on the history of ministers, and both are written in Persian. Although some research has been conducted on the stylistic features of the prose of these two works, the present article, using the method of historical studies and an analytical approach, has addressed another aspect of the prose of these works. In this regard, the main question of the present article is: from the perspective of the prose of “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar”, what religious approach did Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani have and is this approach evident in his literary writing? The findings of the research indicate that, based on the prose of “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar”, Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani, in addition to presenting a positive view of the Rightly Guided Caliphs and describing and praising them, also spoke well of the Shiite Imams, which largely demonstrates his liberal approach and is far from fanaticism. In other words, in introducing individuals, he looked at their performance rather than their religion. Introduction Nasir al-Din Munshi Kermani, the author of two books, " Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā" and "Nasaim al-Ashar min la'ta'im al-Akhbar", was born in Kerman in 668 AH. He quickly rose through the ranks and at the age of 25 he attained the position of head of the court of letters and essays of the court of the Qara khitaei govermant. Although the political challenges of the end of the Qara khitaei rule also affected Naser al-Din Munshi Kermani’s life, and with the murder of Padeshah Khatun, his troubled period also began; however, with the rise to power of the Ghori emirs, namely Naser al-Din Muhammad ibn Burhan and his son Qutb al-Din Nikrooz in Kerman, the situation of this land and, consequently, Naser al-Din Munshi’s life improved slightly. Naser al-Din also went to the court of the Ilkhanate for a while and made some progress there, but finally he passed away in 735 AH (Monshi Kermani, 1394: Introduction/20-23). Despite all these hardships, Naser al-Din Munshi Kermani was able to publish two books in the early decades of the eighth century AH. In this regard, the present research aims to find a suitable answer to the following question: From the perspective of the prose of "Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā" and "Nasaim al-Ashar min la'ta'im al-Akhbar", what was the religious approach of Nasir al-Din Munshi Kermani and is this approach evident in his literary writing? Therefore, by examining the research background in areas close to the subject of this study, it can be seen that his religious approach has not been analyzed and scrutinized. In addition, the present study seeks to investigate this religious approach by seeking help from the prose of the two books "Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā" and "Nasaim al-Ashar min la'ta'im al-Akhbar", and extract his religious views from the depths of the lines of these prose works. Materials and Methods This research is based on collecting information from libraries and is carried out through a descriptive-analytical method. First, the data were collected and then, according to the research topic, the data were processed. In order to fulfill this purpose, the required data and information have been extracted from previous sources and researches and qualitatively analyzed until scientific results were obtained. In this article, while respecting the principle of trustworthiness, primary and secondary sources and new research related to Kerman in the seventh and eighth centuries AH have been carefully examined; then, data related to the religious practice of Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani, especially based on his own books, have been analyzed. More precisely, the sources of research and information in this study have been studied and examined in detail in several sections and categories. These sources include Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani's books and other works related to this field. Finally, the author has extracted data from the sources, classified them and drawn scientific conclusions. Result and Discussion By reflecting on the works of Naser al-Din Munshi Kermani, it can be seen that while he is explaining various historical matters, he also makes references to religious issues, which can largely explain his religious tendencies and approach from the depths of his prose. Naser al-Din Munshi has spoken fully in describing the first Imam of the Shiites and has tried to emphasize the legitimacy of his caliphate and imamate by using various hadiths. Based on what can be extracted from various sources, especially the local chronicles of Kerman; the majority of the people of Kerman during the Qarakhtai era were Sunnis, and in two Sunni branches, Hanafi and Shafi'i, and many of the religious elders of Kerman are also Hanafi and Shafi'i.and as discussed in the text of the article, this is largely rooted in the place where he grew up and excelled, namely Kerman, and the time of his life, namely the era of the Qara-Khatai. A place where most of its people had a spirit of religious interaction and tolerance, and different religions have always coexisted in this land; and a government where most of its rulers, with an approach accompanied by tolerance, employed various people with different religions, including the Hanafi and Shafi’i Sunnis, the Imami Shiites, and the Sufis, in their government apparatus. By reflecting on the different parts of the two books, " Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā" and "Nasaim al-Ashar min la'ta'im al-Akhbar", we can see that Nasir al-Din Munshi of Kermani, with his mastery of Persian and Arabic literature, strives to teach rulers, ministers, and other statesmen the correct way and method of governance, ministry, and secretarial work, both through his secretarial and artistic prose and through his simple and fluent prose. In summary, and based on evidences, it can be seen that Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani was, on the one hand, a truly liberal individual and far from religious prejudices. This is largely rooted in the place where he grew up and excelled, i.e. Kerman, and the time of his life, i.e. the era of the Qara-Khitaei. Based on what can be extracted from the sources, especially the local chronicles of Kerman, the people of Kerman have had a spirit of religious tolerance in most historical periods and different religions have always coexisted in this land. Of course, this does not mean that there have been no challenges and conflicts between the supporters and followers of different religions in this province at any time; but overall, the level of religious tolerance and tolerance has prevailed over challenges and conflicts. Conclusions The results obtained are that, based on the various narrations that Naser al-Din Munshi Kermani brought in his two works “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar” and which were discussed in the text of the article; in addition to presenting a positive view of the Rightly Guided Caliphs and describing and praising them; he also spoke well of the Shiite Imams, which largely shows his liberal approach and is far from prejudice. In other words, when introducing individuals, he looked at their performance and if a person had qualities such as freedom, justice, knowledge, fairness or courage, regardless of his religion; he was admired and praised by Naser al-Din Munshi Kermani; and conversely, if a person was cruel, tyrant, uneducated and ignorant, Naser al-Din did not hesitate for a moment in criticizing and blaming him. Whether this person is a Sunni or a Shiite, a Sufi or a legalist. According to the references that Naser al-Din Munshi Kermani made to the religion of his family in the prose of “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā”, it became clear to a large extent that he was a Shafi’i but also had religious tolerance and tolerance. «سمط العلی للحضره العلیا» و «نسائم الاسحار من لطائم الاخبار» دو اثرِ ارزشمند ناصرالدین منشی کرمانی، مورّخ، ادیب و رئیس دیوان رسائل کرمان همزمان با حکومتِ قراختاییان است. کتابِ نخست، از جمله منابعِ مهم تاریخِ محلی کرمان طی قرن هفتم و اوایل قرن هشتم و کتاب دوّم نیز اثری ذیقیمت در تاریخ وزراء است و هر دو به زبان فارسی نگاشته شدهاند. البته یکی با نثری منشیانه و فنّی و دیگری با نثری روان و خالی از تصنّع، نگارش یافتهاند. اگرچه تاکنون راجع به ویژگیهای سبکی نثرِ این دو اثر، پژوهشهایی انجام شده است اما نوشتارِ حاضر با بهرهگیری از روش مطالعات تاریخی و با رویکردی توصیفی- تحلیلی به وجهی دیگر از نثر آثارِ مزبور پرداخته است. در همین راستا پرسش اصلی نوشتار حاضر عبارت از این است که از منظرِ نثرِ «سمط العلی للحضره العلیا» و «نسائم الاسحار من لطائم الاخبار»، ناصرالدین منشی کرمانی، چه رویکرد مذهبی داشته و آیا این رویکرد در ادبیاتِ نگارشِ وی مشهود است؟ یافتههای پژوهش نشانگر آن است که بر اساسِ نثرِ «سِمطالعلی للحضره العلیا» و «نسائم الاسحار مِن لطائم الاخبار» ناصرالدین منشی کرمانی در کنارِ ارائهء دیدگاهی مثبت در بابِ خلفایِ راشدین و پرداختن به وصفِ و نعتِ آنان؛ از ائمهء شیعه نیز به نیکی یاد کرده است و این امر تا حد زیادی رویکرد آزادمنشانه و به دور از تعصّب وی را نشان میدهد. به عبارت بهتر وی در معرفی اشخاص بیشتر از آنکه مذهبِ آنها را مدّنظر داشته باشد به عملکردشان نگاه کرده است.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106725_b4840201de6f47f581430c9b5eeb1583.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 Conceptual-Theoretical Possibilities of Douglas North's Historical Institutional in State Studies Pre-Modern Iranian State (Monarchy) امکان‌های مفهومی- نظری رویکرد نهادباوری تاریخی داگلاس نورث در مطالعات سلطنت قدمایی ایران 181 217 106851 10.48308/irhj.2026.242695.1485 FA محمدعلی اکبری استاد گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات وعلوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدبهشتی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 12 30 Douglas North, the historical institutionalist economist, together with his collaborators, addressed the problem of controlling violence as a central challenge in the discussion of sustainable development and placed the institution of the state at the core of their theoretical framework. In developing this perspective, they explained the relationship between the state and the control of violence through several key concepts: the distinction between institutions and organizations in the structure of the state, the typology of limited access and open access social orders, the dual forms of the limited access state (the natural state) and the open access state (the democratic state), the dominant coalition of elites, and the system of rent distribution. Within the access order framework, natural states are understood as the historical forms of governance that prevailed throughout the long pre‑modern era and are analyzed through the theory of limited access orders. The state as an institution and organization of governance in the longue durée of pre‑modern Iran possesses distinctive characteristics that universal and highly generalizing theories often fail to explain comprehensively. Nevertheless, the conceptual and theoretical framework developed by North and his collaborators offers important analytical possibilities for theorizing about the political order and the nature of the Iranian pre‑modern state. The main research question of this study therefore asks to what extent the conceptual framework of limited access orders and the theory of the natural state can provide analytical tools for understanding the structure of governance and monarchy in pre‑modern Iran. The study employs a historical–thematic method in which historical phenomena are interpreted through theoretical concepts, while those concepts are simultaneously conditioned and reconfigured by the concrete historical characteristics of the subject under investigation.The findings indicate that the concepts of natural state theory and limited access social orders provide a useful framework for explaining the structure, internal mechanisms, and long-term durability of the Iranian pre‑modern monarchy. Introduction Douglas North is regarded as a historical institutionalist economist who, by focusing on the problem of violence control as a fundamental challenge in debates on sustainable development, brought the institution of the state to the center of his inquiries. This orientation led him and his collaborators to systematic efforts to study the state from a historical-institutionalist perspective. North’s core question can in many respects be seen as a continuation of Hobbes’s concern with the central problem of order and the state, namely violence and the ways it is controlled in society. On this basis, North proposed a conceptual framework for interpreting recorded human history, distinguishing three broad types of social orders: the primitive and first social order, the limited access order, and the open access order. By “access order,” North does not mean a particular set of political, economic, or religious institutions, but rather a fundamental mode of political organization. Institutions, as he defines them, encompass shared ideas, dispositions, emotions, and collective symbols. Addressing the problem of violence control as a central challenge of sustainable development, he turned to the question of the state. North and his colleagues, by introducing concepts such as limited and open access social orders, the natural state, patterns of rent distribution, historical institutionalism, and the theory of transition from limited to open access orders via the shift from natural to democratic states, and by emphasizing the role of social organization, systematized their theoretical endeavor. Among these, the concepts of limited access order and the natural state are particularly important, as they enabled North and his associates to formulate a theoretical account of the nature, inner mechanisms, and functional roles of pre‑modern states. They treat the limited access order as the most durable form of violence control and order creation through the establishment of the natural state, devoting a substantial part of their work to explaining the nature and function of the natural state in controlling violence and maintaining social order. In this theory, the concept of the natural state is applied to elucidate the nature and functioning of pre‑modern states and thus provides historians with a conceptual tool for interpreting the state in Iran. Building on these contributions, the present study formulates its central questions as follows: first, what theoretical possibilities does this historically oriented institutionalist framework offer for understanding states in pre‑modern polities; and second, how can its conceptual resources contribute to the analysis of the nature, internal mechanisms, and functions of the pre‑modern Iranian state? Materials And Methods The present study adopts what may be described as a “thematic–historical” research method. In this approach, the historical phenomenon is explained and interpreted through recourse to concepts and theoretical constructs; however, unlike ahistorical or trans-historical conceptual schemes, the concepts and theories are themselves conditioned by, and reorganized in light of, the concrete, context-bound features of the historical subject under investigation. Thus, instead of mechanically applying a universal theory to an empirical case, the study seeks to enter into a critical dialogue with the theoretical framework and to reshape its categories in response to the specificities of the Iranian historical experience. Accordingly, the research does not intend to “apply” Douglas North’s theory of limited access orders and the natural state in a complete and unmodified form to the case of pre-modern Iran. Rather, it aims at a creative utilization of the conceptual and theoretical possibilities that historical institutionalism offers for state studies in the context of Iran’s long pre-modern monarchy. In this sense, the study explicitly distances itself from those works which, relying on the generalized applicability of universal theories, have pursued a maximalist “fit” between an abstract model and a particular historical phenomenon, often at the expense of the phenomenon’s historical specificity. On the empirical side, the research proceeds through a close reading of primary and secondary historical sources on the Iranian pre-modern monarchy, focusing on patterns of violence control, coalitions among elites, modes of rent distribution, and forms of hierarchical patronage. These empirical findings are then placed in a structured dialogue with the categories of limited access social orders, the natural state, dominant coalitions, and path dependence as developed by North and his colleagues. The method is thus both concept-driven and empirically grounded: theory guides the questions posed to the historical material, while the historical material, in turn, constrains, refracts, and partially reshapes the theoretical categories. Result and Discussion The findings of this study indicate that Douglas North’s historical‑institutionalist framework, particularly the concepts of limited access order and the natural state, offers a powerful lens for interpreting the structure and functioning of pre‑modern Iranian monarchy. In North’s view, institutions-understood as patterned norms, rules, and shared beliefs-provide the basic architecture through which societies create social order and control violence. This institution‑centered perspective, rooted in the Durkheim-Parson’s tradition, conceives of social order as an outcome of relatively stable institutional arrangements that both enable and constrain collective action. Applied to historical analysis, this framework highlights the path‑dependent character of institutional evolution: previous institutional choices restrict subsequent options and link present decisions to long trajectories of change. Thus, to understand the long‑term persistence of the Iranian monarchical order, one must trace the gradual formation and transformation of its institutional arrangements for distributing rents, structuring patron–client networks, and organizing coercive capacities. Within this framework, North and his collaborators distinguish three ideal‑typical forms of natural state-fragile, basic, and mature-each representing a specific configuration of the dominant coalition, state capacity, and mechanisms of rent distribution. In fragile natural states, commitments among elites are unstable, the state’s ability to control violence is low, and patronage networks are highly personalized and volatile. Basic natural states exhibit more durable institutional arrangements and a clearer public‑law structure, but remain limited in their capacity to support organizations independent of the state and to sustain credible long‑term commitments. Mature natural states, by contrast, possess more robust public institutions, clearer rule structures, and more institutionalized mechanisms for resolving intra‑elite conflicts, including a partial rule of law for elites. When this typology is brought into dialogue with the historical experience of Iranian monarchy, the pre‑modern Iranian polity can be conceptualized as a limited access order whose stability and reproduction rested on a particular form of natural state. The Islamic‑era Iranian monarchy-often theorized as “saltanat‑i Islamiyyah”-crystallized as a historically specific variant of a basic (and in certain periods proto‑mature) natural state. Its stability depended on a dominant coalition composed of the sultan and royal household, high‑ranking military commanders (tribal and nomadic elites), key bureaucratic figures (viziers and senior officials), and religious authorities (jurists and scholars). Violence control and the maintenance of order were achieved not through impersonal, generalized citizenship rights, but through a dense network of patronage relations, rent‑generating privileges, and selective access to organizational forms. The crown’s control over land, taxation, and appointments functioned as a central reservoir of rents, which were strategically allocated to elites in exchange for military support, political loyalty, and local governance. At the lower levels, hierarchical patron–client networks tied non‑elite groups to powerful intermediaries, embedding them within a structure of protection and obligation rather than formal legal equality. This arrangement reveals why pre‑modern Iranian monarchy simultaneously exhibited strong central symbols of kingship and chronic structural fragility. Stability depended on the continual recalibration of rents and privileges within the dominant coalition; when this balance was disrupted—by succession crises, external shocks, or breakdown of fiscal capacity—the system tended to revert toward the fragile natural state type. Nonetheless, the persistent reliance on limited access to organizational forms, rent‑based elite cohesion, and personalized patronage indicates that the Iranian monarchical order is best understood as a historically specific, path‑dependent realization of North’s limited access social order, rather than as a deviation from an abstract ideal of absolutism or popular sovereignty. Conclusions As noted, North and his collaborators, in their theory of limited access social orders and the natural state, sought to explain the emergence and persistence of pre-modern social orders in human history as mechanisms for controlling violence and establishing relatively stable order. Violence control, in their account, is accomplished through two vertically articulated hierarchies: a system of privilege (rent) distribution and a hierarchical structure of generalized patronage and protection. At the same time, as was clarified in the discussion of the relationship between this theory and the description and analysis of the Iranian pre-modern monarchy and its practices and functions, there are evident differences at the conceptual level and in the overall structure of access in North’s framework and in the Iranian monarchical order. Nevertheless, the historical institutionalist model developed by North and his colleagues contains conceptual themes that, if employed with due attention to Iran’s specific historical conditions, can enhance our understanding of this type of social order and its corresponding state. For example, the role of military organization—tribes and nomadic groups—in controlling violence, maintaining relative stability, and shaping the Iranian limited access order within the framework of monarchy is highly illuminating. Likewise, the distinction between fragile and basic natural states can be used, with appropriate qualifications, to conceptualize the contrast between weak and strong forms of monarchy in Iran. The extensive and diversified system of privilege distribution under the Iranian monarchy closely parallels the rent distribution system in the general theory of limited access orders. Finally, the notion of path dependence offers a powerful conceptual tool for explaining the long-term reproduction of the Iranian monarchical governance pattern across the medieval and early modern periods. . داگلاس نورث، اقتصاددان نهاد باور تاریخی و همکارانش، با پرداختن به معضله ی کنترل خشونت، به عنوان یک چالش اساسی در بحث توسعه پایدار، نهاد دولت را در کانون نظرورزی های خود قرار دادند. آنها در مسیر این کوشش نظری، فهم خود از نهاد دولت و نسبت آن را با کنترل خشونت در قالب مفاهیم بنیادی چون: دو گانه نهاد و سازمان در پیکربندی مفهومی دولت، نظم های اجتماعی دسترسی محدود و باز، اشکال دو گانه دولت دسترسی محدود ( دولت طبیعی) و دولت دسترسی باز (دولت دموکراتیک)، ائتلاف مسلط فرادستان و نظام توزیع رانت صورت بندی کردند. بر اساس نظریه نظام دسترسی، پدیدار دولت های طبیعی به عنوان اشکال تاریخیِ نهاد و سازمان حکومت در دوران بلند پیشا_مدرن، در چهارچوب مفهوم – نظریه ی «نظم دسترسی محدود و دولت طبیعی» تحلیل کردند. دولت، به مثابه نهاد و سازمان حکمرانی در دوران بلند قدمایی ایران، از آن خاص بودگی برخوردار است که نظریه های جهان روا، بنابر میل به تعمیم گرایی حداکثری، قادر به تبیین جامع آن نیستند. با این حال، در منظومه ی مفهوم پردازی و سامانه ی نظری این نوع از دستگاه های نظری امکان هایی برای نظری ورزی درباره دولت قدمایی ایران را می توان سراغ گرفت. این رویکرد البته تمرینی برای مساله مواجهه مورخان با نظریه ها نیز می تواند محسوب شود. مسئله ی اصلی تحقیق از گفت و گوی خلاق با این دستاوردها شکل گرفت و نهایتاً این صورت بندی از پرسش اصلی را سامان بخشید که با عطف توجه به دستاوردهای ارزشمند نورث و همکارانش، که اولاً مفهوم – نظریه ی نظم دسترسی محدود و دولت طبیعی، کدام امکان های نظری را برای نظرورزی درباره ی نظم حکمرانی و دولت قدمایی ایران، ممکن می کند؟ روش تحقیق تحقیق حاضر را باید روش «موضوعی- تاریخی» دانست. در روش موضوعی- تاریخی، پدیدار تاریخی با استفاده از مفاهیم و نظریه توضیح داده و تبیین می شود. با این تفاوت نسبت به چهارچوب های مفهومی و نظری غیر تاریخی که در روش موضوعی - تاریخی مفاهیم و نظریه به وسیله وجه انضمامی سوژه ی تحقیق، مشروط و باز آرایی مجدد می شود. در نتیجه تحقیق حاضر، این امر آشکار شد که مفاهیم پایه در دولت شناسی دولت طبیعی (پیشامدرن) و نظریه نظم اجتماعی دسترسی محدود، قابلیت های مناسبی برای مطالعه دولت قدمایی ایران فراهم می سازد. البته مفهوم دولت طبیعی و نظریه نظم دسترسی محدود، با لحاظ کردن ویژگی های خاص تجربه تاریخی ایران، تبیین ماهیت و سازوکار درونی سلطنت قدمایی و رمز حیات طولانی مدت آن را امکان پذیر می کند.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106851_e108ca73bc7050c6014ea8a3e6cfed44.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 The Role of Shiite Viziers during the Buyid Era: An Examination of Civilization-Building Mechanisms in the 4 AH/10 Century CE نقش وزرای شیعه در دوران آل بویه: بررسی سازوکارهای تمدن‌ساز در قرن چهارم هجری 219 244 106849 10.48308/irhj.2026.240518.1429 FA مریم سعیدیان جزی دانشیار- گروه معارف اسلامی، دانشکده الهیات و معارف اهل بیت علیهم السلام، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2025 06 30 Abstract The transition from bureaucratic administration to state-building during the Buyid dynasty (934–1055 CE) witnessed the paramount elevation of the Shi’a Vizierate. This study investigates the precise mechanism through which these viziers-operating as the true ruling elite-shaped the political, cultural, and religious trajectory of the empire. Adopting a methodology integrating Elite Theory (Pareto and Mills) with Historical Institutionalism, this research treats the viziers not merely as high-ranking administrators but as the catalysts of civilizational consolidation. The analysis dissects the viziers’ strategic control over fiscal and military instruments, their role in manufacturing legitimacy for the Amīr, and their profound patronage of Shi’a scholarship and infrastructure. The findings reveal a powerful, albeit structurally fragile, nexus of elite action. The viziers succeeded in forging a sophisticated cultural-administrative hegemony, yet their power remained contingent upon the military patronage of the Daylami Amīrs. The study concludes that while the Shi’a viziers initiated a critical phase of administrative and intellectual flourishing, the absence of institutional self-sustainability ultimately limited the durability of their civilizational achievements against inherent internal fissures and external pressures Introduction The Buyid period represents a crucial inflection point in the political and intellectual history of post-Abbasid Islam, characterized by the paradox of powerful military leadership (the Amīrs) juxtaposed with sophisticated civil administration. While much scholarship has focused on the military ethnicity (Daylami origins) or the theological assertion (Twelver Shi’ism), the linchpin of governance lay undisputedly with the institution of the Vizierate. The viziers of the Buyid era evolved from mere secretaries to the de facto heads of state, often wielding more consistent administrative authority than the nominal Buyid Amīrs. Literature Review and Research Gap: Existing historiography, drawing from classical sources like Ibn Miskawayh and al-Zahrānī, tends to compartmentalize the viziers’ roles into fiscal management or cultural patronage. A significant scholarly gap remains in fully mapping the interdependence between elite performance and civilizational outcome within this context. Specifically, there is a deficit in applying robust sociological frameworks to quantify how the identity of the vizierate (i.e., their Shi’a affiliation) directly influenced state-building mechanisms. Previous studies often describe what they built (e.g., madrasas, libraries) but fail to analyze how their elite consciousness drove the process of construction itself. This research addresses this lacuna by proposing that the Shi’a viziers constituted a cohesive ruling caste whose deliberate actions-guided by a shared theological and ideological outlook-were the primary engine for the cultural and institutional innovations characteristic of the Buyid zenith. We move beyond viewing the vizier as an isolated functionary to analyzing them as a self-conscious elite group actively engaged in shaping socio-political reality. Materials And Methods This investigation adopts a Qualitative Documentary Research methodology, primarily relying on Historical Institutionalism to analyze the enduring administrative structures developed under vizieral stewardship, complemented by Elite Theory to interpret the actors’ motivations and systemic roles. The analysis is principally grounded in two theoretical constructs: 1.Vilfredo Pareto’s Theory of the Circulation of Elites: This theory is utilized to conceptualize the Buyid viziers as the governing elite (residue of cunning and persistence) whose administrative skill allowed them to maintain hegemony over the military elite (residue of force) for extended periods. We analyze the eventual decline of the vizierate through the lens of elite exhaustion and replacement. 2.C. Wright Mills’ Power Elite Thesis: Mills’ concept of an interconnected ruling class is adapted to model the Buyid administrative structure. The viziers are positioned as the central core of the Power Elite, controlling the confluence of economic, political, and ideological power bases necessary for large-scale state mobilization, particularly concerning the institutionalization of Shi’ism. The study employs Content and Discourse Analysis on primary historical chronicles (Akhbār) and administrative manuals (Rasā’il) from the period, focusing specifically on passages detailing vizieral appointments, fiscal policies, and religious endowments. The comparative analysis extends to secondary literature on Iranian Political Thought and Classical Islamic Bureaucracy. The application of Iranica transliteration standards is strictly maintained for all proper nouns and technical terms to ensure scholarly fidelity (e.g., Dīwān, Amīr, Shīʿa). Result and Discussion The findings of this research confirm that the Buyid Vizierate evolved into the central node of elite political action, moving beyond its traditional bureaucratic definition. The analysis of the Buyid power structure indicated a functional convergence where the vizier effectively merged executive authority with economic stewardship. Viziers, operating as the de facto ruling elite-a concept aligned with Mills’s amalgamation thesis-gained control over key fiscal institutions, such as the Dīwān al-Kharāj (Treasury Office) and the Dīwān al-Jaysh (Military Office). This control over financial flows was critical for both sustaining the military apparatus necessary for Daylami rule and for patronizing the Shi’a intellectual movement. A primary result concerning Legitimacy and Identity shows that Shi’a viziers were instrumental in bridging the legitimacy gap faced by the Ghilman-based Buyid rulers. By emphasizing Iranian historical continuities and promoting Shi’a scholarly institutions, they skillfully constructed a cultural-religious justification for their political ascendancy. This is evidenced by the patronage of historical writing (e.g., the works of Abu Sa’id al-Sab’i and Miskawayh) and the construction of monumental religious architecture, which served as tangible markers of state ideology. In the sphere of Administrative and Civilizational Reform, the ministers spearheaded significant structural changes. The standardization of the Sikkah (Coinage) and reforms in land tenure (Iqṭāʿ in its early forms) demonstrate an elite class committed to systemic efficiency. For instance, the systematic establishment of Dār al-ʿUlūm (Houses of Knowledge) and the patronage of libraries, as noted in the historical records pertaining to viziers like Abu Ja’far al-Māzādārānī, provided the necessary infrastructure for intellectual flourishing, directly translating elite patronage into tangible societal benefits. This constitutes the core of their Ta’mīm (Civilization-building) role. However, the discussion highlights the inherent fragility of this elite configuration. As predicted by Pareto’s model concerning the decline of elite integrity, the Buyid viziers’ power was fundamentally contingent upon the favor of the military Amīrs (e.g., ʿAḍud al-Dawlah or Fakhr al-Dawlah). The lack of an independent institutional mechanism-such as a codified law of succession or a formalized charter of vizieral rights separate from the personal mandate of the ruler-meant that the entire civilizational momentum was subject to the whims of military strongmen. The frequent purges and rapid replacement of viziers, documented extensively by historians like Ibn Miskawayh, illustrate this structural vulnerability. When the elite pool itself experienced internal factionalism (the Shi’a/Sunni vizieral conflict noted by Zahrānī), the entire state apparatus suffered a corresponding decline in administrative capacity, ultimately impeding sustained civilizational progress. The discussion thus concludes that while the Shi’a viziers catalyzed a crucial phase of cultural and administrative renewal, the absence of institutional self-sustainability rendered this progress ephemeral. Conclusions This study assessed the position of the Buyid viziers as the focal point of Shi’a elites in the civilization-building of the fourth Islamic century, employing Elite Theory and Historical Institutionalism. The findings confirm that the Vizierate was transformed into a strategic nexus for linking political power with cultural capital. Viziers, acting as efficient elites, played a central role in stabilizing Buyid authority by filling the legitimacy vacuum through cultural and administrative reforms. Their significant achievements-including the establishment of cohesive bureaucracy, financial standardization, and patronage of intellectual institutions-formed the foundation of civilizational stability. This active participation reinforced the cohesive identity of the Shi’a elite. Crucially, the research demonstrated that the sustainability of this high-level engagement was compromised by the Vizierate’s over-dependence on the military Amīrs and the absence of independent institutional safeguards. This structural flaw meant that when the ruling elite’s competence waned, the entire civilization-building process weakened. Ultimately, lasting civilization in Islamic polities requires a dynamic equilibrium rooted in three essential pillars: effective cultural governance, merit-based political authority, and firm adherence to revealed Sharīʿah. Without this structural autonomy and ethical foundation, even the most capable elite-driven initiatives risk collapse. شکوفایی تمدن اسلامی در قرن چهارم هجری تا حد زیادی بدین سبب بود که نخبگان سیاسی و فکری آن زمان در ساختارهای حکومتی و اجتماعی حضور داشتند و دولت آل‌بویه، به‌عنوان یکی از حکومت‌های شیعی، بستر مهمی را برای نقش‌آفرینی نخبگان در فرایند تمدن‌سازی فراهم آورد. این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از رویکرد نهادگرایی تاریخی و نظریه نخبگان، به بررسی نقش وزارت در دوره آل‌بویه به‌عنوان نهاد نخبگان شیعی در فرایند تمدن‌سازی اسلامی در قرن چهارم هجری می‌پردازد. دو محور اصلی پژوهش عبارت‌اند از: تبیین جایگاه و اهمیت وزیران آل‌بویه به‌عنوان نخبگان شیعی در ساختار قدرت سیاسی و همچنین تحلیل تأثیر کنش‌های سیاسی و مدیریتی این وزرا بر توسعه نهادهای تمدنی. نوآوری تحقیق در تحلیل پیوند مستقیم میان کنش سیاسی نخبگان و شکل‌گیری نهادهای تمدنی در بستر تاریخی آل‌بویه نهفته است. روش تحقیق بر مطالعه تاریخی و توصیف و تحلیل داده‌های استخراج‌شده از منابع اسلامی و پژوهش‌های معاصر استوار است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که نخبگان، به‌ویژه در نهاد وزارت، نقش مؤثری در سیاست‌گذاری، عمران، حمایت از علوم و هدایت فرهنگی ایفا کردند. این مشارکت فعال، از حیث شناختی، ارزشی و نهادسازی مدنی، سهم تعیین‌کننده‌ای در تقویت بنیان‌های تمدن اسلامی داشت. یافته‌های تحقیق بیانگر آن است که نهاد وزارت در دوران آل‌بویه به بستر اصلی تعامل نخبگان شیعه با قدرت سیاسی تبدیل شد و به‌عنوان واسطه‌ای مهم میان دولت و نخبگان، نقشی اساسی در نهادسازی و گسترش فرهنگ شیعی ایفا کرد.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106849_8e8817edf046c7a7067eda24784058cf.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 National-Religious Social Democracy in the Expression of the Jangal Movement سوسیال دمکراسی ملی مذهبی در بیان جنبش جنگل 245 268 106868 10.48308/irhj.2026.242882.1479 FA مهدی زمانی دکتری تاریخ ایران، کارشناس پژوهشگر مرکز مطالعات اقتصادی و سیاسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 12 13 Abstract The Jangal Movement, in pursuit of the genuine realization of the constitutional system, adopted a social democratic orientation. The present study examines the model of social democracy articulated within the discourse of the Jangal Movement. In other words, this research seeks to address the question of how the Jangal Movement approached social democratic thought and the nature of its engagement with it. In this study, the historical research method has been employed to collect, compile, and evaluate the reliability of the data. The findings indicate that the Jangal Movement articulated its political and social orientation through an interpretation influenced by social democratic ideology, combined with national and religious identity. Within this framework, the movement’s efforts involved a transition from the project of defending constitutionalism toward establishing an alternative structure of power based on socialist principles, nationalism, and full independence. In presenting certain programs—particularly the establishment of a republic—the movement acted in alignment with social democratic currents. Nevertheless, radical nationalism, anti-imperialism, their strategic linkage with religion, opposition to imported communism, and the advocacy of an indigenous and independent form of socialism constituted key points of divergence. Furthermore, the linguistic–discursive, intellectual–social, and political–historical contexts played a significant role in shaping this articulation of national–religious social democracy. Among the most influential factors were extensive British interventions, widespread Russian incursions that undermined national independence, the outbreak of the First World War, the government’s failure to resolve economic and political crises, escalating political tensions, discursive conflicts between traditional and modern paradigms, the ineffectiveness of prevailing political practices, the emergence and expansion of organizations with radical ideologies, and the regional spread of militant resistance. Introduction The Jangal Movement is frequently described in historical and political analyses through reductionist labels, ranging from mere nationalism and traditional religious activism to being perceived as a proxy for Russian communism. These approaches fail to comprehend the ideological complexity of this movement, overlooking the fact that the Jangalis strived to create a novel discourse by intelligently blending modern thought with Iran’s national and religious identity. While the Constitutional Revolution paved the way for the emergence of Social Democracy in Iran through groups like the "Social Democrats of Gilan and Tabriz," the Jangal Movement adopted a distinct trajectory. Rather than being passive consumers of imported ideologies, they integrated Social Democracy with radical anti-imperialist nationalism and a strategic bond with Islamic-Shia identity, formulating a specific discourse termed "National-Religious Social Democracy." Despite extensive historical research on the Jangal Movement, the analytical gap concerning this integrated ideological framework remains largely unfilled. This article argues that this discourse was not static but a dynamic process of evolution. It demonstrates how the movement, reacting to the failure of the "incomplete constitution" and escalating foreign interventions during World War I, transitioned from merely defending the constitution to pursuing a radical structural transformation. Materials And Methods This research employs the historical research method to collect, gather, and verify data. The primary sources utilized include the official organ of the movement, the *Jangal* newspaper, the manifesto of the Islamic Unity Society (*Hey’at Ettehad-e Islam*), official telegrams (including Mirza Kuchak Khan’s correspondence with Lenin and Soviet representatives), and firsthand historical accounts. By analyzing these primary documents alongside secondary literature, the study extracts the intellectual and practical components of the movement to accurately reconstruct its unique ideological framework. Result and Discussion The findings indicate that the Jangalis’ political and social orientation was a reading of Social Democratic ideology fused with national and religious identity. The evolution of the movement can be categorized into several key dimensions: "Iran" as the Central Signifier: Nationalism for the Jangalis was not merely symbolic; independence was considered the absolute prerequisite for any social reform. They viewed British imperialism and domestic treason as the primary barriers to domestic development. Consequently, their anti-imperialism was inherently linked to social justice. Representative Democracy as an Initial Goal: Initially, the movement aimed to purify and actualize the "true constitutionalism." Their manifesto contained clear liberal-democratic demands (universal suffrage, freedom of press, and equality regardless of race or religion) alongside social-democratic aspirations. However, the structural corruption of the parliamentary system eventually led them to seek an alternative power structure. Socialist Evolution and "Indigenous Socialism": While the movement's manifesto articulated standard social-democratic demands—such as an eight-hour workday, free and compulsory education, nationalization of natural resources, and labor protections—the post-Republic era witnessed a shift toward a "socialist evolution." Crucially, this was not a copy of the Russian Bolshevik model. Mirza Kuchak Khan explicitly rejected the immediate implementation of communism in Iran as impossible, advocating instead for an alliance with the petite-bourgeoisie to first defeat imperialism and establish a national government. The Jangalis firmly opposed the imported, violent communism of the Iranian Communist Party (Edalat Party), asserting that their struggle was for an "indigenous socialism" rooted in Iranian realities and Islamic principles. Conclusions The Jangal Movement represents one of the most prominent endeavors to bridge modern socio-political thought with Iran’s national and religious identity. Concluding that liberal-democratic reforms were insufficient to save the country, the movement shifted from defending the constitution to establishing an alternative power structure. While it utilized Social Democratic programs, its ultimate ideology—crystallized in the Republic of Gilan—was uniquely distinct. It was characterized by a radical anti-imperialist nationalism where socialism served national independence, a deep strategic bond with Islam (forming the movement's core identity rather than a mere tactical tool), and a categorical rejection of imported communism. Consequently, the Jangal Movement stands as a unique experiment in the history of the Iranian Left, wherein the establishment of a socialist structure was entirely defined within the framework of a national, independence-seeking revolution, marking a fundamental milestone in the evolution of "National-Religious Social Democracy." جنبش جنگل در راستای تحقق واقعی نظام مشروطه، رویکردی سوسیال‌دموکراتیک را دنبال می‌کرد. موضوع نوشتار پیشِ‌رو بررسی الگوی سوسیال‌دموکراتیک ارائه‌شده در بیان جنبش جنگل است. به عبارتی، تحقیق پیشِ‌رو در صدد پاسخ به این مسئله است که رویکرد جنبش جنگل نسبت به اندیشه سوسیال‌دموکراتیک چگونه بوده و نوع مواجهه در این برخورد به چه شکل بوده است؟ در تحقیق پیشِ‌رو، برای جمع‌آوری و گردآوری داده‌ها و سنجش صحت و سقم آن‌ها از روش تحقیق تاریخی استفاده شده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که جنگلی‌ها در تعیین جهت‌گیری سیاسی و اجتماعی، خوانشی متأثر از ایدئولوژی سوسیال‌دموکراسی در تلفیق با هویت ملی و مذهبی ارائه کرده‌اند. در مسیر تکاپوی گفته‌شده، گذار از پروژه دفاع از مشروطه به برپایی یک ساختار قدرت جایگزین، بر اساس اصول سوسیالیستی، ملی‌گرایی و استقلال کامل، مد نظر بود. آن‌ها در ارائه برخی برنامه‌ها و به‌ویژه تأسیس جمهوری، همسو با سوسیال‌دموکرات‌ها عمل کردند. با این حال، ملی‌گرایی، رادیکالیسم و ضد امپریالیسم، پیوند استراتژیک آن‌ها با دین، مخالفت با کمونیسم وارداتی و قائل بودن به نوعی سوسیالیسم بومی و مستقل، از جمله نقاط افتراق آن‌ها بود. ویژگی‌های فضای زبانی ـ گفتمانی و فکری ـ اجتماعی و نیز زمینه سیاسی ـ تاریخی حاکم، از جمله مداخلات همه‌جانبه انگلیسی‌ها و تجاوزات گسترده روس‌ها و در نتیجه از بین رفتن استقلال، وقوع جنگ جهانی اول، ناکامی دولت در حل بحران‌های اقتصادی و سیاسی، تشدید تنش‌های سیاسی، نزاع‌های گفتمانی سنتی و مدرن، عدم توفیق رویه‌های سیاسی، ایجاد و گسترش سازمان‌هایی با تفکرات رادیکال و گسترش اندیشه مبارزه قهرآمیز در سطح منطقه، در شکل‌گیری این بیان از سوسیال‌دموکراسیِ ملی و مذهبی تأثیرگذار بوده است.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106868_47254d3af5790a08214f827b50f32d84.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 Striving for Maritime Supremacy: Nader Shah, John Elton, and Imperial Rivalries in the Caspian Sea تلاش برای برتری دریایی: نادرشاه، جان التون و رقابت‌های امپراتوری در دریای کاسپی 269 287 106889 10.48308/irhj.2026.243216.1486 FA گودرز رشتیانی گروه تاریخ، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2026 01 08 This study examines the maritime policy of Nader Shah Afshar in the Caspian Sea during the 1740s within the context of Anglo Russian rivalry and the role of John Elton in transferring European technical knowledge to the southern Caspian coast. The study argues that the establishment of a naval force should not be understood merely as a response to the logistical needs of the Dagestan campaign. Rather, it formed part of Nader Shah’s broader strategy to assert Iranian sovereignty and challenge Russia’s maritime dominance. By the early eighteenth century, Russia—benefiting from the reforms of Peter the Great and control of the Astrakhan–Volga corridor—had secured a durable strategic advantage and effectively turned the Caspian Sea into a sphere of influence. Drawing on Russian archival documents and British commercial reports, the findings show that Iran achieved limited success in transferring shipbuilding knowledge and conducting hydrographic surveys through the employment of John Elton and the establishment of shipyards at Chamkhaleh and Mashhadsar. However, the project remained fragile because of the shortage of specialized skills and its dependence on external supply routes. Russia perceived Elton’s activities and the involvement of the Muscovy Company as a threat and adopted a policy of containment. This culminated in the imperial decree of 1746 prohibiting British trade through the Volga route, which disrupted the supply of naval equipment. After Nader Shah’s assassination in 1747, the naval project rapidly declined. Russia perceived Elton’s activities and the involvement of the Muscovy Company as a threat and adopted a policy of containment. This culminated in the imperial decree of 1746 prohibiting British trade through the Volga route, which disrupted the supply of naval equipment. After Nader Shah’s assassination in 1747, the naval project rapidly declined. Introduction In the early eighteenth century, the Caspian Sea emerged as an important geopolitical zone in the interaction between regional and imperial powers. Control over maritime routes, ports, and commercial corridors in this inland sea was increasingly tied to broader questions of imperial logistics, commercial competition, and strategic mobility. In this context, Nader Shah’s attempt to establish a naval presence in the Caspian Sea represented one of the most ambitious maritime initiatives undertaken by an Iranian ruler in the early modern period. The project aimed not only to strengthen Iran’s military capacity but also to alter the balance of power that had gradually developed in favor of Russia following the collapse of the Safavid state. Materials and Methods This study employs a historical‑analytical methodology with an explanatory orientation, grounded in systematic triangulation of contemporaneous English sources, Russian data and scholarship, and Iranian/local textual and material evidence. The research proceeds in four structured stages. First, it reconstructs the geopolitical context of the Caspian region and explains the structural foundations of Russia’s strategic advantage. Second, it analyzes Anglo‑Russian rivalry across logistical, legal, and technical dimensions, drawing on parallel documentary corpora. Third, it examines Nader Shah’s maritime policies and the technical and operational role of John Elton through cross‑comparison of English, Russian, and Iranian accounts. Finally, it synthesizes the internal and external factors underlying the fragility and eventual collapse of the naval program, linking Russian pressures with the institutional breakdown that followed the political fragmentation after 1747. Through this integrated approach, the methodology ensures a rigorous, multi‑perspectival reconstruction of events. Result and Discussion In the early eighteenth century, the Caspian region underwent profound transformation driven by the expansion of Russian imperial power under Peter the Great. Russia’s Persian campaign of 1722–1723 allowed it to seize key coastal cities such as Derbent and Baku, and by controlling the Astrakhan–Volga corridor, it integrated the Caspian Sea into its broader logistical and commercial network. This gave Russia long-term strategic leverage over trade and regional access. At the same time, Iran was experiencing political turmoil following the collapse of the Safavid dynasty. When Nader Shah rose to power in the 1730s, he sought to rebuild Iran’s military capacity and reassert control over crucial economic and strategic zones. Within this framework, establishing a naval presence in the Caspian Sea became central to his efforts to counterbalance Russian influence, secure trade routes, and protect the silk-producing provinces of northern Iran. A key element of this initiative was the recruitment of foreign technical expertise, most notably the English shipbuilder and navigator John Elton, whose experience in navigation and cartography was instrumental to the project. Under his direction, shipyards were established along the southern Caspian coast, particularly in Langarud and Mashhadsar, where several armed vessels were constructed. Elton also oversaw hydrographic surveys and mapping operations to improve navigation across the Caspian’s complex coastal zones. These efforts marked one of the earliest attempts to introduce European naval technology into Iran. Nonetheless, the project faced significant structural and logistical challenges. While Iran possessed natural resources such as timber, it lacked domestic production of essential shipbuilding components, including anchors, sails, and navigational instruments. As a consequence, the shipbuilding program relied heavily on imported materials that passed through Russian-controlled trade routes. This dependency created a serious strategic vulnerability, enabling Russia to manipulate or restrict the flow of critical equipment. Simultaneously, the Caspian basin became the scene of Anglo-Russian commercial rivalry. British merchants, particularly those connected to the Muscovy Company, sought to trade European manufactured goods for Iranian silk via the Volga corridor, which was under Russian administrative control. Russia used quarantine regulations, customs procedures, and trade restrictions to exert pressure on British commercial activities. From the Russian perspective, Elton’s cooperation with Nader Shah posed a geopolitical threat by transferring maritime expertise to Iran. In response, Russia intensified diplomatic and economic measures, culminating in 1746 with the revocation of British trading privileges along the Volga route. This decision severely disrupted the logistical foundations of Nader Shah’s naval enterprise. Domestically, the fleet-building program imposed economic strain on local communities, particularly in Gilan, where labor and resources diverted to shipbuilding disrupted agricultural and silk production cycles. Furthermore, the endeavor lacked strong institutional grounding: its success depended primarily on Nader Shah’s personal authority rather than on stable administrative or naval institutions. Following Nader Shah’s assassination in 1747 and the subsequent fragmentation of central authority, these weaknesses quickly became evident. Shipyards were abandoned, naval facilities decayed, and the fleet disintegrated. Ultimately, Nader Shah’s Caspian naval project represented an ambitious yet unsustainable attempt at military modernization—undermined by geopolitical constraints, dependence on foreign expertise, and the fragile institutional foundations of the eighteenth-century Iranian state. Conclusion The failure of Nader Shah’s naval project in the Caspian Sea cannot be explained solely by military factors or by the political instability that followed his death. Instead, it reflects a deeper structural imbalance between technological innovation and institutional capacity. While Iran succeeded in acquiring valuable shipbuilding knowledge and maritime expertise through cooperation with foreign specialists, the broader economic and administrative infrastructure required to sustain a permanent navy remained insufficient. At the same time, external geopolitical dynamics played a decisive role in shaping the outcome of the project. Russia’s control over key logistical routes enabled it to limit the flow of resources necessary for Iranian naval development. Britain, although initially involved through the activities of its merchants and navigators, ultimately prioritized its diplomatic relationship with Russia and withdrew from active support of the Iranian initiative. Taken together, these factors illustrate the complex interaction between technology, logistics, and international politics in the history of maritime power. Nader Shah’s attempt to create a navy in the Caspian Sea demonstrated the possibilities that could emerge from the transfer of technical knowledge and the mobilization of state resources. At the same time, the rapid collapse of this initiative illustrates the limits of such efforts when they are not supported by durable institutions, secure supply networks, and favorable geopolitical conditions. نوشتار حاضر در صدد بررسی سیاست‌های دریایی نادرشاه افشار در دریای کاسپی طی دهه ۱۱۵۰ق/۱۷۴۰م است و آن را در چارچوب رقابت‌های ژئوپولیتیکی روسیه و بریتانیا و نقش جان التون در انتقال دانش و سازمان‌دهی دریایی اروپایی به سواحل جنوبی این پهنه تحلیل می‌کند. فرض بنیادی پژوهش آن است که تأسیس ناوگان دریایی نادر نه صرفاً پاسخی لجستیکی به الزامات جنگ داغستان، بلکه بخشی از راهبرد دولت‌سازی وی برای اعمال حاکمیت ملی و درهم‌ شکستن انحصار دریایی قدرت شمالی بود. روسیه پیشتر با اتکا به اصلاحات پترِ اول و تثبیت محور آستاراخان–ولگا، مزیتی پایدار ایجاد کرده و دریا را به حوزه نفوذ تقریباً انحصاری خود تبدیل کرده بود. یافته‌های مبتنی بر اسناد آرشیوی روسیه و گزارش‌های بریتانیایی نشان می‌دهد که ایران اگرچه با استخدام جان التون و تأسیس کارگاه‌های چمخاله و مشهدسر در انتقال «دانش فنی» و «نقشه‌برداری» در کوتاه‌مدت موفق بود، اما کمبود مهارت‌های تخصصی، وابستگی شدید به گلوگاه‌های تأمین، و کنترل مرحله‌به‌مرحله روسیه، این پروژه را آسیب‌پذیر و شکننده ساخت. روسیه که حضور التون و فعالیت‌های کمپانی مسکوی را تهدیدی مستقیم برای انحصار ترانزیتی خود می‌دانست، سیاست «خفگی نرم» را به‌کار گرفت و با فرمان ۱۷۴۶م/۱۱۵۹ق مبنی بر ممنوعیت تجارت بریتانیا از مسیر ولگا، شریان حیاتی تأمین تجهیزات ناوگان ایران را عملاً مسدود کرد. با قتل نادرشاه در ۱۱۶۰ق/۱۷۴۷م و فروپاشی تمرکز سیاسی–مالی دولت، این طرح که فاقد ریشه‌های نهادی پایدار بود، از پشتیبانی ساختاری محروم شد و به‌سرعت رو به زوال رفت. برآیند این تجربه نشان داد که اراده سیاسی و انتقال فناوری، بدون «استقلال لجستیکی از محور ولگا» و در غیاب «دیپلماسی متوازن»، توانایی لازم برای مقابله با هژمونی دریایی تثبیت‌شده روسیه را فراهم نمی‌کند.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106889_d0dbb37cf227c888b66ee6a12fc2f5fb.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی مجله تاریخ ایران 2008-7357 19 1 2026 03 21 An Analysis of the Freedom Movement’s Activities for Preserving Political Ideological Identity and Sustaining Its Struggle during the Interregnum of Political Inactivity (1963–1977) واکاوی فعالیت‌های نهضت آزادی جهت حفظ هویت سیاسی-ایدئولوژیک و استمرار مبارزه در دوران فترت فعالیت‌های سیاسی(1356-1342) 289 314 106890 10.48308/irhj.2026.243010.1482 FA فریده باوریان استادیار تاریخ انقلاب اسلامی، گروه معارف اسلامی، دانشکده الهیات و معارف اسلامی، دانشگاه ایلام توران منصوری دانش‌آموخته دکترای تاریخ انقلاب اسلامی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 12 23 Abstract The Freedom Movement of Iran has commanded significant attention in contemporary political studies due to its undeniable impact on the trajectory of revolutionary developments. Shortly after its establishment, the party faced widespread arrests of its leaders and experienced severe restrictions, remaining unable to conduct any overt party or organizational activities until the onset of the political opening period. Nevertheless, this movement managed to preserve its political-ideological identity by adopting mechanisms appropriate for the period of dormancy and achieved convergence with the revolutionary current in the struggle against the Pahlavi regime. Therefore, the present research, employing a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on library resources, publications, and documents, seeks to analyze how the struggle and organizational reconstruction of this party continued during the stagnation of political activities. In this regard, the findings, addressing the question, “How was the Freedom Movement able to preserve its political-ideological identity and the continuation of its struggle process during the period of suppressed political activities against the Pahlavi regime?”, are based on the premise that: Under these circumstances, the Freedom Movement was able to safeguard its political-ideological identity and guarantee the continuity of its struggle current by utilizing the capacity of its younger members to establish underground organizations and clandestine activities, organizing educational and research activities alongside conducting debates and speeches in prison, managing its branches abroad and actively engaging with international bodies and Imam Khomeini, and ultimately, through intellectual-Islamic activities under the auspices of affiliated institutions and the reorganization of party activities by its initial founders. Introduction The Freedom Movement of Iran consisted of a group of national‑religious figures influenced by European civilization and liberal ideology. In 1961, under the leadership of Mehdi Bazargan, and in response to Mohammad‑Reza Shah’s speeches emphasizing the need for forming parties and associations, it emerged as the first organized political party with political‑religious objectives.Their shared features and alignment with the National Front on the one hand, and their religious nature and relatively close ties with the clergy on the other, enabled the Freedom Movement to act as a bridge between non‑religious forces and those with a political‑religious culture. Their connection with religious figures led this party to show the greatest solidarity with the religious forces under Imam Khomeini's leadership during his opposition to the Provincial and Local Assemblies Bill. Furthermore, during the White Revolution, while adopting stances similar to those of the protesting clergy, they explicitly boycotted the referendum by issuing a declaration. However, the issuance of this declaration, along with several other statements accusing the Shah of causing disorder, corruption, and decline in the country, led to their confrontation with the regime. As a result, some of the leaders and activists of the national‑religious camp within the Freedom Movement’s central council were arrested and imprisoned on charges of acting against national security and opposing a constitutional monarchy. But this situation created a period of dormancy in the activities of the Freedom Movement, which lasted until the period of political openness in 1977. During this period, with full power concentrated in the hands of the Shah, independent parties dissolved, and SAVAK's rule, any organized political activity was banned, and the party was practically prevented from overt political activity. This is because the party's formal structure disintegrated, and its public activities were shut down. This situation highlighted the necessity of examining the mechanisms of the movement to preserve its political-ideological identity and continue the struggle until its reorganization in 1978. The present research, by posing the question: "What were the organizational strategies of the Freedom Movement of Iran during the political interregnum to preserve its identity and continue its activities, and what impacts did these strategies have on its organizational structure on the eve of the revolution?", seeks to explain the continuity and organizational reconstruction of the Freedom Movement during this period. Materials And Methods The aim of this research is to focus, in a documented and comprehensive manner, on the programs and political actions of the Freedom Movement for its organizational survival and the preservation of its political-ideological identity during the period of dormancy in their political activities from 1963-1978. This research aims to demonstrate how a political movement, despite security pressures, managed to prevent its complete dissolution within the oppressive structure of the regime and ultimately engaged in convergence with revolutionary forces during the process of the Islamic Revolution's victory. Therefore, unlike other studies, a significant portion of whose existing literature explains the Freedom Movement's intellectual backgrounds, performance, and ideological rifts with other groups, and its interactions with religious forces, etc., they often do not offer substantial information in analyzing periods when the movement's activities are interrupted. The research in question has not limited its scope to the history of formation, performance, ideology, and positions of the Freedom Movement regarding the periods before and after the Islamic Revolution. Instead, while not delving into the prevalent discussions in other works, it has attempted to provide important and enlightening insights into this era when the party's official political activity was effectively shut down. To this end, the present research, employing a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on library resources, publications, and published and unpublished documents available at the National Archives and Library Organization and the Islamic Revolution Documents Center, as well as an unpublished interview in the archive of the Institute for the Compilation and Publication of the Works of Imam Khomeini, has sought to investigate the manner of the Freedom Movement's struggle and organizational reconstruction during the period of political inactivity. Result and Discussion Following the widespread arrest and trial of the leaders of the Freedom Movement, the party's activities within the country were declared illegal after nineteen months. This verdict not only faced internal protests from the people, scholars, and Shia Maraji' (sources of emulation) but also garnered widespread international opposition from thirty-two countries. However, with the imprisonment of the leaders, the party was prevented from overt political activity for many years afterward. Consequently, it faced internal organizational changes, and even a segment of its young and radical members shifted their approach from peaceful resistance towards armed struggle. In this era, party members at various levels adopted strategies to preserve their political-ideological identity and continue the struggle, awaiting a suitable time to resume official activities. In the first stage, younger figures and second and third-tier members organized the movement's activities by establishing underground structures and engaging in clandestine operations outside of prison. These organizations continued the activities of the Freedom Movement, including political propaganda, issuing statements and analyses, delivering speeches, and holding secret meetings. Alongside these clandestine organizations, they also utilized active committees such as those for intellectuals, students, merchants, workers, a committee for provincial organization, and a committee for education, propaganda, and publications. In this phase, their primary mode of activity was peaceful and limited to printing and distributing declarations. Due to the party being declared illegal, they were unable to hold any gatherings. In the second stage, the imprisoned leaders, by changing their strategy from direct political activity to academic-cultural and intellectual-educational endeavors (albeit often with political themes and orientations), sought to protect the organization from collapse, thereby providing the grounds for the continuation of the intellectual and organizational life of the movement. This policy, while preserving the intellectual heritage of the movement, ensured its continued existence. During this period, their activities to preserve the ideology of the movement can be defined at three levels:1.Educational-Research Activities: This included organizing French and Arabic language classes, translating and writing texts, and holding sessions for the interpretation of the Quran and Nahj al-Balagha. 2. Regular Weekly Lectures: Organized lectures by Ayatollah Taleghani, Mehdi Bazargan, and Ezzatollah Sahabi. 3. Internal Group Discussions: Sessions and debates between the older and newer generations of the Freedom Movement, who respectively adhered to different ideologies of liberalism and socialism. In the third stage, the Freedom Movement's organizations abroad in Europe and America were led by Ebrahim Yazdi, who organized activities as follows: During this stage, the activities organized by the Freedom Movement's leadership under Ebrahim Yazdi included:Preparation for Armed Struggle: Establishing the "Sama" (Union and Action) as the first Iranian armed underground organization.Engagement with International Bodies. Communicating with international organizations to highlight human rights violations in Iran.Recruitment of Educated Forces: Efforts to attract educated individuals residing in the U.S. with religious inclinations to enhance the political knowledge of the youth based on religious faith. Interaction with Imam Khomeini: Collaborating with Imam Khomeini during his exile in Iraq and France, which significantly impacted the growth, influence, and acceptance of this branch and its leaders. In the final stage, the released leaders of the Freedom Movement organized their activities. However, due to the prevailing oppressive atmosphere and the impossibility of peaceful struggle for opposing groups, they were unable to engage in independent political and organizational activities. Consequently, their activities during this period primarily took the form of private gatherings and informal circles. Despite the challenges, by collaborating and communicating with clergymen, they managed to foster intellectual-Islamic activities within associated institutions. This allowed them to overcome a period of stagnation. On the cusp of the Islamic Revolution, through the reorganization of the Freedom Movement, they successfully solidified the movement's political-ideological identity. This gave continuity to the struggle that had begun in 1963, imbuing it with a distinct identity. Conclusions In the interregnum period of the Freedom Movement, considering the limitations imposed on it, it endeavored to maintain its intellectual and ideological continuity through specific methods. With this in mind, the period of political hiatus for the Freedom Movement was not one of complete stagnation. Rather, by adopting new methods—such as shifting their strategy away from direct political activity and costly confrontation with the regime—they were able to create the conditions for the continuation of the movement’s intellectual and organizational life. By strengthening their intellectual foundations, they managed to redefine their survival and preserve their identity. Nevertheless, after the resumption of political activity in 1978, their popular base remained more limited compared to the religious groups. Consequently, they collaborated with the religious forces in organizing and initiating demonstrations in 1979. At the height of the Revolution’s victory, they also adjusted their strategy and turned to cooperation with the religious forces under the leadership of Imam Khomeini. نهضت آزادی ایران، با توجه به تأثیرات انکارناپذیر خود بر روند تحولات انقلابی، بخش قابل‌توجهی از مطالعات سیاسی معاصر را به خود معطوف داشته است. این حزب، اندکی پس از تأسیس، با بازداشت گسترده رهبران خود روبه‌رو شد و محدودیت‌های شدیدی را تجربه کرد؛ به‌گونه‌ای که تا آغاز فضای باز سیاسی، از هرگونه فعالیت حزبی و تشکیلاتی علنی بازماند. با این‌ حال، این جریان توانست با اتخاذ سازوکارهایی متناسب با دوران فترت، هویت سیاسی–ایدئولوژیک خود را حفظ کرده و در مسیر مبارزه علیه حکومت پهلوی، به همگرایی با جریان انقلابی دست یابد. از این‌ رو، پژوهش حاضر با روشی تاریخی و رویکردی توصیفی–تحلیلی و با تکیه بر منابع کتابخانه‌ای، نشریات و اسناد، در پی آن است تا چگونگی استمرار مبارزه و بازسازی تشکیلاتی این حزب را در دوره رکود فعالیت‌های سیاسی مورد واکاوی قرار دهد. در این راستا، یافته‌های پژوهش با طرح این پرسش که «نهضت آزادی چگونه توانست هویت سیاسی–ایدئولوژیک و تداوم روند مبارزاتی خود را در دوران فترت فعالیت‌های سیاسی علیه حکومت پهلوی حفظ کند؟» بر این مبنا استوار است: نهضت آزادی در این شرایط، با بهره‌گیری از ظرفیت نیروهای جوان برای ایجاد تشکیلات زیرزمینی و فعالیت‌های مخفیانه، سازمان‌دهی فعالیت‌های آموزشی و پژوهشی و برگزاری جلسات مناظره و سخنرانی در زندان، سازمان‌دهی و مدیریت شاخه‌های خارج از کشور و تعامل فعال با مجامع بین‌المللی و امام خمینی، و در نهایت فعالیت فکری-اسلامی در سایه نهادهای مرتبط و ساماندهی مجدد فعالیت‌های حزبی از طریق مؤسسان اولیه‌اش، توانست از هویت سیاسی–ایدئولوژیک خویش صیانت کند و تداوم جریان مبارزاتی خود را تضمین نماید.

https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106890_27cd20752956cb09c73c54d9cf103991.pdf