Journal of Iran history Journal

قاجارها برای حفظ و ادارۀ قلمرو ممالک محروسۀ ایران در اوایل حکومتشان، در کنار استفاده از قدرت شمشیر، از تدابیر و سیاست­های دیگری نیز بهره بردند. سنت حکمرانی خاندانی یا همان به­کارگیری اعضای خاندان شاهی به­عنوان حکمران ایالات و ولایات یکی از این تدابیر بود که پیش ‌از این نیز در برخی از خاندان‌های حکومتگر همچون سلجوقیان و صفویان به کار گرفته شده بود. یافته­های پژوهش نشان می­دهد که آقا محمدخان، به­عنوان مؤسس سلسلۀ قاجاریه، سنت حکمرانی خاندانی را احیا کرد و دو تن از جانشینان بلافصل وی، فتحعلی شاه و محمد شاه، با محدود کردن استفاده از اعضای خاندان سلطنتی به فرزندان و نوادگان پادشاه در امر حکمرانی نوعی نوآوری در این سنت ایجاد کردند.

سلجوقیان به­عنوان بنیانگذارانِ یکی از دیرپاترین و تأثیرگذارترین دودمان­های تاریخ میانۀ ایران، تا قبل از دستیابی به قدرت، در قامت جنگاوران قبیله­ای، تحت سیطرۀ حکومت­های غالباً ترک­تبار بودند. آنان در این دوره نه­تنها با برخی از گونه­های تفریحی که نزد ترکان مرسوم بود، آشنایی داشتند، بلکه متناسب با نوع این تفریحات و وضعیت خود، برخی از این سرگرمی­ها را نیز انجام می­دادند. قدرت­یابی این قوم در ایران، شرایط مناسبی را برای بهره­مندی آنان از مزیت­های قدرت همچون کامرانی و خوشگذرانی فراهم کرد. پژوهش پیش­ رو تلاش دارد، با استفاده از روش تاریخی، به شناسایی و تحلیل تفریحات سلطنتی این عصر بپردازد. دستاوردهای تحقیق نشان می­دهد سران سلجوقی و سایر وابستگان به دربار این حکومت، با اتکا به سه مؤلفۀ قدرت، ثروت و فرهنگ غنی ایرانی ـ اسلامی، به تلفیق گونه­های تفریحی سابق با تفریحات رایج در ایران پرداختند و از تمام ظرفیت­های تفریحاتی همچون شکار، طنزپردازی، سیر و سیاحت، اسب­دوانی، چوگان و شطرنج به­منظور نشاط­افزایی و شادی­آفرینی بهره بردند. میزان استقبال آنان از این تفریحات تحت تأثیر مؤلفه­هایی مانند علایق شخصی، ثبات یا ناپایداری دورۀ حکمرانی، ماهیت گونه­های تفریحی و مطابقت یا مغایرت این گونه­ها با عرف جامعه و احکام اسلام بود.

The process of dispatching students to Europe had begun after the Russo-Iranian wars with the aim of modernization and recovery from underdevelopment continued throughout the Qajar period. According to our evidence, about a thousand students were dispatched to Europe in this period. One of the primary motivations for dispatching students was reconstructing and transforming the educational system. With the ratification of the bill for dispatching students in the first decade of the Pahlavi period, by the sixth national consultative assembly, a new wave of dispatching students began during the years 1928-1933. According to our evidence, no history student was dispatched to Europe during the Qajar period. It was only in the Pahlavi period that the history students were included among the dispatching students. However, dispatching students did not result in training historians or any improvement in historical studies. To elucidate this matter, the present article after an overview of the process of dispatching students in general and dispatching students in the field of history in particular, will discuss the mechanisms of dispatching history students, dispatched students, and their achievement, based on sources and documents. Moreover, there are some variables in order to understand the cause of the dispatched students failure in becoming professional historians: namely the motivations and objectives of policy-making officials; the government expectations and demands from graduates students of their future careers in the process of modernization, the French educational system as the destination of 75% of students; and the gap between research and education in French educational system during the time

تبیین شکاف‌های اجتماعی جامعۀ ایرانی در عصر انتقال و خلافت اموی، و به دنبال آن ظهور پدیدۀ گریز از کانون خلافت، نیازمند تحقیقی غیرروایی و کارکردگرایانه است. با سپری شدن ایام فتوح، و عدم جذب عملی ایرانیان در جامعۀ جدید عرب ـ اسلامی و عدم تحقق تصورات ایرانیان برای تغییر کلی وضعشان، نه­تنها شکاف‌های اجتماعی گذشته از بین نرفت، بلکه عملاً با گسترش نظام قبایلی و قرار گرفتن موالی در پایین‌ترین قسمت این ساختار، ایرانیان به‌عنوان اقشار فرودست از فضای جدید بهره‌ای نبردند. این تحقیق به روش تاریخی و بین­رشته‌ای و در چارچوب نظریۀ جامعه‌شناختی شکاف و گریز در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که شکاف‌های اجتماعی موجود در بین ایرانیان در قرن اول هجری چه تأثیری بر روند گریز آنان داشت؟ نتایج تحقیق نشان می­دهد که شکاف‌های اجتماعی موجود در نظام اموی و ساختار قبیله­ای آن زمینه‌های گریز لایه‌های متعدد جامعۀ ایرانی را از کانون قدرت فراهم نمود. سیاست­های تبعیض­آمیز امویان و وجود طبیعی شکاف‌های اجتماعی در جامعۀ ایرانی قرن اول منجر به تحقق نظریۀ گریز شد و این جامعه را به امید فردای بهتر آمادۀ پذیرش دعوت عباسی کرد.

روسپیگری در جامعۀ ایران همواره پدیده‌ای مذموم و ناهنجار بوده است. براساس اطلاعات تاریخی، در دورۀ شاه عباس اول (حکـ. 996-1038ق/ 1578-1629م) این پدیدۀ اجتماعی در اصفهان (پایتخت) رشد و گسترش می‌یابد. هدف این مقاله مطالعۀ وضعیت و دلایل رواج روسپیگری در این دوره و تبیین سیاست مدیریتی شاه عباس در مواجهه با آن است. این پژوهش به‌ روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی انجام ‌شده و مبتنی بر جامعه‌شناسیِ تاریخیِ تفسیری ‌است. شیوۀ گردآوری اطلاعات کتابخانه‌ای است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد قبح این پدیده در این دوره از بین رفت و سه عامل «رشد و توسعۀ جامعۀ شهرنشینی و تنوع جمعیتی ـ فرهنگی در اصفهان»، «افزایش ثروت رجال درباری»، و «مهاجرت اجباری زنان قفقازی به اصفهان» باعث گسترش آن در جامعه شد. شاه عباس به‌ جای منع شرعی و قانونی روسپیگری، دو سیاست در پیش گرفت: اخذ مالیات از روسپیان ــ به‌عنوان خرده‌فرهنگ‌ انحرافی یا معارض ــ و صَرف پول حاصل از آن در مراسم آتش و آتش‌بازی. این اقدامات با پیشینۀ دینی ایرانیان و شرع اسلام سنخیتی نداشت، اما شاه عباس در سایۀ قدرت بلامنازع سیاسی، مذهبی و اجتماعی‌اش موفق به اجرای آن شد.

یکی از پیامدهای اولیۀ اشغال ایران توسط متفقین در جنگ جهانی دوم، کمبود و گرانی شدید ارزاق عمومی بود. دولت برای تهیه و توزیع مواد غذایی مورد نیاز مردم به قیمت مناسب، وزارتخانۀ مستقلی به نام خواربار تشکیل داد و شریدان امریکایی را به­عنوان مستشار آن استخدام کرد. هدف پژوهش حاضر بررسی عملکرد شریدان در وزارت تازه­تأسیس خواربار است و می­خواهد به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که شریدان در زمان حضور خود در ایران چه سیاست­ها و اقداماتی را برای تهیه و توزیع خواربار انجام داد و عملکرد او در این حوزه چگونه ارزیابی می­شود. یافته­های پژوهش که با روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با تکیه بر منابع کتابخانه­ای و اسنادی انجام گرفته است، نشان می­دهد شریدان عملکرد موفقی در وزارت خواربار ایران نداشت. چنانکه این وزارتخانه خیلی سریع منحل و وظایف آن به وزارت دارایی منتقل شد و شریدان مجبور گشت قبل از اتمام مدت سه سالۀ قرارداد استخدامش، بدون آنکه مشکل ارزاق عمومی را حل کرده باشد، ایران را ترک کند. البته باید توجه داشت که شرایط بحرانی سال 1321 که ناشی از قحطی و خشکسالی شدید، شعله­ور بودن آتش جنگ در اغلب جبهه­ها، دخالت و کارشکنی نیروهای متفقین و سودجویان داخلی و اختلافات سیاسی میان دولت قوام، دربار و مجلس سیزدهم بود، در عملکرد ضعیف شریدان تأثیر داشت.

The bills of the third, fourth, and fifth development plans can be considered as the ground and basis for the most effective development projects in the Pahlavi period. These bills were, indeed, the groundwork for strategies that the government legislated in order to move the development projects forward. Therefore, a study of these development bills can lead to the understanding of the nature of development plans and the government's perspective on the development project. Using "institutional grammar", this article seeks to extract institutional statements and analyze the bills in this program in order to show their nature according to different aspects of the institutional statement such as attribute, deontic, aim, conditions, or else and main factor. The findings of the research show that in the legislation of development plans, the government was placed in the center of the plans as the main factor. In none of the 111 existing institutional statements, nongovernmental organizations are mentioned as attribute. Also in 108 statements, deontic has been used. It is worth considering that in deontics, obligation has been mentioned 81 times, which shows the mandatory nature of the development plans. In addition, the lack of any time and place condition in the condition part indicates the generality of development plans without any regard for biological, cultural, and social diversity. The immediate consequence of such a view is the involvement of the state in various affairs, disregarding people's potential forces and rejecting public participation.

With the success of the constitutional revolution, the constitutionalists did extensive propaganda among Maku peasantry in order to end the serfdom and counter the tyranny. These activities were effective and a significant movement was formed in the Maku rural communities against the local khans and landowners. The present article seeks to investigate causes and bases for the movement formation and its consequences, using the press, archival documents, and historical books based on a descriptive-analytical method. The result of this research shows that the unjust lord-serf relations in Maku and the dominance of the Bayat khans over the lives of the peasants, along with the widespread propaganda of the constitutionalists among the peasantry, were the main factors in the formation of this movement. The confiscation of Khans' properties, the establishment of rural associations, and the expulsion of Iqbal al-Saltaneh from Maku were among the most important consequences of this movement. In addition, although the constitutionalists of Azerbaijan were the instigators of this movement, they did not provide any support for Mako peasants afterward. Consequently, Iqbal al-Saltaneh was able to suppress the Mako peasant movement severely and reestablish serfdom with extensive support from the conservatives.

Despite declaring neutrality in both world wars, Iran was occupied by the allied forces and suffered from extensive damages. Occupation of Iran in World War II by the Allied forces in September 1941 (Shahrivar 1320 S.H.) and the abdication of Reza Shah brought Iran into the war unwillingly with political, economic, and social consequences, which rapidly affected Iran, especially concerning agriculture. The present study aims to evaluate the foreign control over agriculture and food supply as a case for these consequences using a historical method based on a description of the events and analyzing them with an archival data collection. Therefore, this article seeks to explain the consequence of the allies' presence in the Iranian agricultural economy and their policy in this regard. Based on research findings, the conclusion of the Tripartite Pact, allowed the allies a direct involvement in Iranian agricultural matters. Furthermore, the priority of supporting the Soviet through Iran instead of helping the Iranian people disrupted the food supply, raising the prices, reducing the supply of major agricultural products, and multiple bread riots in Iran.

Non-formality, self-governance, and relative independence of judicial institutions were believed to be the historical characteristics of procedural tradition in Iran. In the modern era, modernization of institutions and procedural practices in Iran is held to be one of the reforming measures during the Qajar and Pahlavi era. As for the reform, we can refer to judiciary modernization in the 1960s in the form of the White Revolution. This institution was formed to promote judicial fairness and procedural facilities in rural areas. With descriptive-analytical method and available documents and resources, this paper examines the foundations and functions of the Houses of Equity institution, and answers the following question: "what were the most important goals and functions of the Houses of Equity institution?" The findings of this research indicate that we need to analyze and understand the formation of this institution in the context of the goals of the White Revolution in order to understand the formation and function of the Houses of Equity. The houses aimed to promote state bureaucracy in procedural scope by benefitting from existing traditional forces and procedures, and develop a formal trial from a non-formal trial.

The institution of the "vizierate" was the center of Iran's bureaucratic order throughout history. The "vizier" was at the head of the system with various titles, such as the grand chancellor, the chancellor, etc., were administering the country with heads of the bureaux assistance. Some efforts were made to renovate the Iran's bureaucratic system from the time of Nasser al-Din Shah. These efforts were twofold: the creation of multiple ministries and the modification of the position of the Chancellor. This was simply not possible as a change in the institution of the "vizierate". Because the institutions resisted the change. By the end of the reign of Mozaffar al-Din Shah, numerous ministerial titles were created, while the focus of affairs remained on the chancellery, without the "multiple ministries" being transformed. The present study, using a descriptive-analytic method and library resources, attempts to answer the question of the quality of changing the institution of vizierate and creating modern ministries during the Iranian constitutional revolution. The findings of study show that the Constitutional Revolution provided the necessary force for a sudden change in the "vizierate" structure. This realization came about through a new meaning consolidation of the concept of "Vizier". This semantic consolidation was realized through the concept of "responsible minister.» The concept of "responsible minister" in the bureaucratic and political contexts of Iran, had roots in the Nasseri and Mozaffari era reformists. Following the victory of the constitution, the realization of the constitutional government was considered as the "responsibility" of the ministers. On the other hand, the turbulences of the first months after the victory of the Constitutional Revolution transformed the form of the executive system and the concept of ministry into a central issue for political activists. The unification of these two factors provided the basis for a change in the institution of the "vizierate", the removal of numerous pre-constitutional ministerial titles, and the creation of new ministries as a new institution.

The impression and influence of intellectual concepts and beliefs on one another has always been the subject of scholars' research throughout of history. The evolution of the myth of creation in religions' beliefs that were influenced by previous concepts and religions is a notable example of such internal interactions. Mani, as the creator of the Manichaean, spent much of his intellectual and mental life among believers in Gnostic thought, and was influenced by these beliefs when the Manichaeism was formed by him. An important and widespread part of Mani's teachings and beliefs, is the myth of creation that included the pretext of Mani and his Prophecy, namely, the need to reconstruct the premade creative elements and stories, with possible Gnostic roots regarding the concept of creation. Mani not only in the context of his narrative of creation but also in his perception of the concepts and elements of the myth of creation had used Gnostic beliefs. The identity and style of the myths of this mythical story, though new shaped, are same old concepts of Gnostic patterns. Therefore, this study aims to examine the Gnostic roots of the myth of Mani's narrative of creation; moreover, by descriptive and analytical method of primary sources of Mani and his Believers, this research examines the influence of Gnosticism on Manichean sources. It concludes that Mani used not only Gnostic themes in recreating the story of the creation myth but also in the elements and concepts of his narrative of creation.

A set of structural factors such as the socioeconomic structure of government, its legitimacy and the continuity of its effectiveness, the intellectual and cultural conditions of the society and other elements play a significant role in the stability and continuity of a government. Yet, the weakness of the structural factors and constant conflicts broke out during the reign of Safavid's dynasty in the late Safavid era (1677-1722). As the king lost his power, and hence entrusting affairs to the courtiers and the military, the balance of political construction had been disrupted and the conflict between different military groups in pursuit of authorities, interests, superiority led to the weakness of performance and function of military forces, not being successful in dealing with political crisis, sprang from local and foreign events for instance. Therefore, one can name it as a political factor of instability in the late Safavid era. This analyzes and explains the impact of conflicts between military forces on political instability in the late Safavid era through a historical method and based on Historical sources.

The history of the Sassanid era is one of the most important historical-social and political-religious periods of Iran. The study of the doctrinal and ideological aspects of the Iranian people in this historical period, in the context of literary and folk texts, is a remarkable research. Zarwanism is one of the most important and philosophical schools of thought and belief in Iran during the Sassanid historical period that had a direct impact on folklore and folk tales. This research is in the form of interdisciplinary research and descriptive-analytical method following a historical-doctrinal reading of the Sassanid period based on folk texts. Among the most important texts of Iranian written folk tales, two stories of Darabnameh Tarsousi and the story of Hamzeh have been selected. The reason for choosing these two stories is their similarity or approximation, their language and time, as well as the degree of reflection of Zarwani components in them. The issue of this research is what effect has Zarwanism had on folk texts, what are the components of the beliefs of this religion in these texts, and which belief is more frequent than other beliefs? It seems that popular texts that have epic-mythological themes and belong to the Sassanid historical period, more than other texts are associated with these beliefs. The most important Zarwani beliefs reflected in these two stories include, namely, divination and astrology, negative view of women, inevitable destiny, belief in the punishment and reward of this world, condemnation, meaningful reflection of the symbolic numbers seven and twelve, luck, the frequent presence of sages and various and surreal creations. The article concludes that astrology with 48 cases, code number seven with 36 cases, inevitability of fate with 30 cases, presence of sages with 29 cases, various and surreal creations with 29 cases, code number twelve with 26 cases, negative view of women with 25 cases, punishment and the reward of this world with 12 cases, luck with 8 cases and condemnation with 7 cases have the highest frequency, respectively.