https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/ Tārīkh-i Īrān en daily 1 Tue, 23 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Tue, 23 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106249.html Introduction In line with the rise of military emirs, including the Choupani family, it should be acknowledged that, normally in the Ilkhanate government, each of the Mongol emirs who played a more effective role in placing the Ilkhan on the throne received the title of Amir al-Amrai and, of course, took over the administration of the country's affairs. In the government of Ghazan Khan, the defeat of Amir Nowruz and Qatlogh Shah paved the way for Amir Choupan to become Amir al-Amrai. This process of influence continued during the Al-Jaito period until, during the reign of Abu Saeed, Amir Choupan became a source of important services in the three main and controversial borders of the Ilkhanate, especially in military and even diplomatic policies, to advance towards the eastern Mediterranean. His courage, skill, and the great effort he showed in consolidating the Islamization of the Ilkhanate were the main factors in his successes. In general, during most of the Ilkhanate period of Al-Jaito and Abu Saeed, Amir Choupan maintained his full authority by eliminating his rivals. Until the internal conflicts of the Ilkhanid state and the enviable power of this family finally brought them down.However, the peace between the two Muslim states, the Ilkhanids and the Mamluks, which had been achieved through the efforts of Amir Choupan, was not damaged even after the massacre of this family. In this regard, what made the present article necessary is the answer to the main research question: what role did the advance towards the lands of the Eastern Mediterranean have in the relations between the Ilkhans and their commanders, especially the rise and fall of the Choupan family? Therefore, considering the importance of the developments of the western borders of the Ilkhans and their relations with the Mamluks of Egypt and the Levant, it is necessary to recognize the power of the emirs (case study: Amir Choupan) in the light of the Mongols' expansion towards the west and the eastern gates of the Mediterranean.Materials And Methods   The present study, employing a descriptive-analytical approach, aims to collect data from primary sources and new research, while briefly examining the importance of the Ilkhanate's expeditions to the Mediterranean and their battles with the Mamluks, and to assess the impact of these expeditions on the political and military position of the Choupani dynasty. In this regard, what makes the present article necessary is to answer the main research question: what role did the advance towards the lands of the eastern Mediterranean have in the relations between the Ilkhanate and their commanders, especially the rise and fall of the Choupani dynasty? Therefore, given the importance of the developments of the western borders of the Ilkhanate and their relations with the Mamluks of Egypt and the Levant, it is necessary to recognize the power of the emirs (case study: Amir Choupan) in the light of the Mongols' expansion towards the west and the eastern gates of the Mediterranean.This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach to organize historical findings thematically and chronologically, drawing on both primary sources and recent scholarship. The data are evaluated using established historical research criteria, emphasizing document authenticity and narrator reliability. The research also incorporates the perspectives of other historians, applying rational selection and constructive critique to ensure a balanced and critical analysis.Result and Discussion If we trace the sequence of events and consider Hulagu’s objectives at the conclusion of his campaigns, it becomes evident that reaching the Mediterranean was a central goal. Even before the dust had settled from the conquest of Baghdad, Mongol armies moved toward the Levant in pursuit of this aim. Throughout the eighty-year rule of the Ilkhans, Mongol rulers adopted various policies to advance toward the eastern Mediterranean, which led to the rise of powerful statesmen and military leaders such as Amir Choupan.The defense of Iran’s borders against threats from the Golden Horde and the Egyptian Mamluks was entrusted to the most capable military emirs. The Golden Horde and the Mamluk Sultanate, through an informal alliance in which the recognition of the Abbasid Caliphate in Cairo played a vital role, posed significant threats to the western territories of the Ilkhanate. After Ghazan Khan’s conversion to Islam, the rivalry between the Ilkhanids and the Mamluks intensified, now entangled with religious competition for leadership of the Islamic world. Notably, the Muslim Ghazan fought the most frequent and extensive battles against the Muslim Mamluks.A revealing point about the Ilkhans’ intentions is that while they were usually defensive on the Caucasus and Khorasan frontiers, they consistently took the offensive on the Levantine border. However, the Mamluks, by launching invasions west of the Euphrates and successfully repelling Ilkhanid attacks, eventually forced the Ilkhans into a defensive posture. Amir Choupan, who led campaigns to the west during the reigns of Ghazan Khan and Öljeitü, later became a leading figure in establishing peace with the Mamluks during Abu Said’s rule, particularly as central authority weakened. In regions like the Hejaz, the competition between the Ilkhans and the Mamluks also assumed a religious dimension.Thus, the Ilkhanids’ failed military policy to open routes to the eastern Mediterranean gradually shifted to a more complex religious policy, again spearheaded by Amir Choupan. However, with the loss of Amir Choupan’s support and leadership, the Ilkhanids’ military and administrative structures in the eastern Mediterranean quickly destabilized. Internal disputes and reduced coordination further weakened the Ilkhanid response to the Mamluks, ultimately resulting in the loss of key territories in the Levant. Conclusions The rise of the Choupan dynasty began at the outset of Ghazan Khan’s reign, marked by Amir Choupan’s significant influence on the battles along the Levant front. With Ghazan Khan’s conversion to Islam and Amir Choupan’s reputation as a Muslim, a path was paved for the ascendancy of the Choupan dynasty, which would shape the last thirty years of the Ilkhanate government. Throughout his political career, Amir Choupan played a role that extended beyond military leadership; he was also a prominent politician and diplomat. He sought to expand Ilkhanate influence in the region by cultivating connections with the Crusaders and Mediterranean states. From the death of Oljaito in 1316 AD until his own downfall in 1327 AD, Amir Choupan was the de facto ruler of the Ilkhanate, wielding such authority that Abu Said retained little more than the title of ruler in name only. The Baghdad Khatun affair, the Timurtash rebellion, and the anxieties of Abu Said and rival emirs regarding the Choupans’ unchecked power all contributed to the dynasty’s rapid decline. Consequently, the fall of Choupan was not merely a domestic setback for the Ilkhanate but also led to a diminished role in regional politics, the loss of its western territories, and the abandonment of efforts to reach the eastern shores of the Mediterranean. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105753.html Introduction Before the Safavid period, Tehran had been a relatively obscure village near the old city of Ray. It gained some urban characteristics during the reign of Shah Tahmasp I (r. 1524–1576) when he ordered a defense wall to be constructed around it. While some historians have speculated about the prospect of moving the capital to Tehran during the Safavid and Zand periods, no conclusive historical evidence supports any such move. Tehran remained on the margin of Iranian politics until the late 18th century, becoming significant only with the arrival of Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar, who officially made it the capital.Despite the significance of this geopolitical decision, literature has yet to analyze its determinants with a systematic and critical methodology. Early Persian sources, such as Rawżat al-Ṣafā-ye Nāṣerī, Nāsikh al-Tawārīḵ, Merʾāt al-Boldān, and the Memoirs of Abd-Allāh Mostawfī, offer informative narrative accounts. Most, nevertheless, are descriptive in orientation and do not investigate the strategic rationale for Tehran's selection. Mostawfī's discussion, while insightful, emphasizes Tehran's fertile surroundings, proximity to Qajar-supporting tribes, and geographic ties to Astarabad; it is limited in scope and does not fully consider political and geopolitical dimensions.Modern scholarship also falls short. General books on the history of Tehran (e.g., by Javaherkalam, Karimian, Takmil Homayoun, and Shahbazi) are useful for background but are not analytically rigorous. More specialized Qajar political histories rarely address the relocation of the capital as a focused research question. When the topic is addressed, it is often superficial and methodologically lacking.This study seeks to address that gap by analyzing the selection of Tehran as the Qajar capital within a multidimensional framework of geography, military strategy, political stability, and symbolic legitimacy. By re-analyzing Persian and European primary sources, this article demonstrates that the Tehran decision was not arbitrary or personal, but a calculated response to the geopolitical needs of a nascent Qajar state. Materials And Methods   This research investigates the historical rationale for designating Tehran as the capital in the early years of the Qajar period, focusing on the political, geographical, and strategic reasons that led Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar to make this decision. The fundamental research question—who selected Tehran, as opposed to more ancient and powerful cities, as the center of government—addresses historical theory and the broader intellectual knowledge of state formation and centralization in post-Safavid Iran. The query is relevant not only to the study of history but also to political geography, urbanization, and institutionalization of power in pre-modern states.The study utilizes a qualitative research design grounded in the descriptive-analytical approach. The descriptive component involves sketching historical facts, events, and situations from primary and secondary sources like chronicles, travelogues, historical monographs, and scholarly analyses. The analytical component relies on these descriptions to interpret the motivations, limitations, and strategic appraisals that informed the Qajar leadership in making decisions.Work has been conducted exclusively on a library basis. Sources have been critically scanned and assessed to lend both historical validity and thematic relevance. By considering these sources through a consistent frame of interpretation, the research attempts to recreate the interplay between geographical position, tribal politics, military tactics, and socio-economic forces that provided the basis for Tehran's advancement to capital city status.The chosen method is optimally suited to the research question because it allows in-depth contextual scrutiny of earlier choices with structural effects in the longer term. This study goes beyond targeting quantifiable outcomes to emphasizing causal explanation and narrative reconstruction, thereby enhancing the value added to both Qajar historiography and broader theory debates regarding capital choice and centralization of the state during periods of political crisis transformations. Result and Discussion The results of this study show that the selection of Tehran as Qajar Iran's capital was a calculated, multidimensional choice quite beyond geographical convenience. Originally a peripheral village near Ray, the rise of Tehran to capital status under Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar was a turning point in Iranian history. The rationale for this decision falls into three spheres: geopolitical, economic, and symbolic-strategic.Geopolitically, the central location of Tehran on the Iranian plateau had logistical advantages for dominating a vast and scattered land. In an age of inferior transportation facilities, centrality gave northern and southern provinces access. Furthermore, Tehran acted as a buffer between the Caspian north, which was crucial for Qajar tribal backing, and the south, which had competing power centers. The proximity to the northern or Russian borders was also strategic since Russia's influence was rising.Economically, Tehran was situated along major trade routes connecting various regions of Iran and farther afield. Besides providing the Qajar state with access to trade and customs revenues, it assisted in transforming the city, over time, into a booming economic center. The region also offered a relatively stable source of natural resources like water, pasturelands, and minerals essential to serve an expanding administrative capital.Symbolically, the city's relatively tabula rasa nature—it had not been the capital of a previous great dynasty—offered the Qajars a blank page on which to write their power. Unlike Isfahan and Shiraz, which were irrevocably tied up with the Safavids and Zands, respectively, Tehran allowed the Qajars to establish a new political identity without being overwhelmed by dynastic baggage.Comparative analysis with other studies shows a lack of systematic discussion. Most of the earlier research, especially primary Persian histories, describes the relocation in anecdotal accounts or attributes it to a cause of personal preference. European travel accounts, though giving external observations on the location and structure of the city, suffer from orientalist deficiency and barely touch upon the internal logic of Qajar state formation. Recent literature, while more skeptical, has tended to treat Tehran's status as a capital incidentally only.Methodologically, the research relies on a descriptive-analytical approach, whose sole limitation is the interpretative reliance on textual evidence, which may be elite or state-oriented and pays too little attention to popular or local responses. It is further bound by the researcher's unavailability of quantitative spatial data to explore the dynamics of Tehran's expansion through the ages. Nevertheless, in triangulating Persian and European sources, the research offers a rich appreciation of Tehran's rise to capital status. Conclusions Tehran, as the capital of Iran under the reign of the Qajar, was a turning point with long-term and far-reaching consequences. While centrality of location is the most obvious reason, close observation reveals a multifaceted interaction of geopolitical and fiscal incentives. At the heart of the Iranian plateau, Tehran offered strategic accessibility to several regions, a boon when transportation routes were outdated. It eased control by the leaders of the Qajar over north and south Iran, and proximity to the border of Russia provided them with an added weight at a time when Russian expansion began. Economically, being a crossroad of main commerce routes with a connection to natural resources like water and minerals, it became even more appealing. The consequences of the choice had far-reaching effects. It grew with a fast urbanization rate and became Iran's political, commercial, and cultural center. The concentration of authority there undermined the authorities of previous centers of authority, like Isfahan and Shiraz. Furthermore, the capital status of Tehran coincides with the onset of modernization within Iran, being the main center of reform. So, Tehran's choice was not pragmatic, but a turning point that decided Iran's growth in modern times. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105832.html With the onset of the Cold War, the Soviet Union was in a fierce confrontation with the United States, seen as a symbol of imperialism. The Soviets viewed economic support and the dispatch of Point Four experts to Iran as an act against the Soviet Union and as part of the promotion of capitalist values. This perception was influenced by the ideological and geopolitical confrontation between communism and the capitalist world. The question of this research, which is presented with a descriptive-analytical method and based on unpublished documents and press, is: What positions did the Tudeh Party, whose goals were in line with Soviet policies, adopt towards the American Point Four experts during the prime ministership of Dr. Mossadegh, and how is the impact of these positions on the change in the approach of the US government to provide Point Four aid to Iran assessed? Based on the findings, the Tudeh Party, aligned with the global policy of communism, opposed the expansion of American influence and opposed Point Four aid and the American way of life in its affiliated publications. By creating strikes and various tactics of media sabotage in line with its goals, this party tried to make the American aid program appear as a yoke on the shoulders of the Iranians, which was presented by spies pretending to be advisors, to both limit the Mossadegh government and reduce or neutralize the actions of American experts.IntroductionAfter World War II, the United States, in addition to diplomatic threats, including Soviet pressure and threats to withdraw its troops from northwest Iran, turned to creating economic alliances with a political background and used its technical and technological resources to create a "balance of power" against the Soviet threat. These resources included economic, technical, and security assistance to allies thought to thought to have the potential to help maintain the balance of power of the United States against communist countries. In particular, by assisting  Middle Eastern countries, it tried to prevent Soviet supporters from coming to power. The assistance known as "Truman's Four Principles" was the most important and extensive type of mobilization of American technical resources, which had geographical dispersion, several˟ personneland diversity in various fields of activity.Point Four assistance began in the late 1920s and during the Razm-Ara government (October 17, 1940). The promise of aid under the Four Principles and the implicit support of the United States in nationalizing Iranian oil to the Mossadegh government was presented by the media as an imperialist conspiracy against the Soviet Union. The Soviet press considered the National Front to be the greatest danger because it had sided with the United States in the oil crisis (Katouzian, 1993: 212). In such circumstances, the Soviet Union and the Tudeh Party were more inclined towards Britain and its presence in Iran, so that perhaps Iran and the Middle East would remain away from the sphere of American influence. The term "oil mass" that Mossadegh used to describe the supporters of this theory (Katouzian, 1994: 212) supported this perception. Therefore, the main ambiguity of the study is the nature and positions of the Tudeh Party towards Truman's aid under the Four Principles, and it aims to answer this with a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on the press and unpublished documents.Materials and MethodsWith the arrival of the American financial advisory board, headed by Arthur Millspaugh, to Iran in 1942, the pro-Soviet front began very early. This may have been instigated by the Soviet government, as the Soviet government was instrumental in expelling the former American financial advisors. From the perspective of the Tudeh Party, this action was interpreted as dependence on America, and for this reason, they viewed the situation of the Mossadegh government with a strong critical view, and even went beyond criticism and began to insult the Mossadegh government and the media destruction of the Americans, and to denounce American imperialism. The anti-American attitude of the Tudeh Party caused them to accuse Mossadegh of being an "agent" and "expert" in imperialist policies, and to distrust the issue of oil nationalization. Another position of the party was related to the nationalization of oil. The Tudeh Party's educational publication wrote about oil nationalization: "This so-called nationalization of oil must expel the British imperialists from Iran to make room for make room for successful American imperialism... The National Front is not unwilling that the nation be so busy with hostility against all the British that they completely forget about American imperialism... American imperialism also wants oil nationalization... The National Front is an illiterate propagandist of nationalism; To separate and distance the struggle of the Iranian nation from the struggle of other nations and to create hostility towards the Soviet country... Finally, to serve American imperialism, they concluded that "the masses should not support the oil nationalization movement that has taken place following the national bourgeoisie." This study, using historical research and documentary analysis, examines the Tudeh Party's approach and its compatibility with Soviet goals towards Truman's Point Four aid to the Mossadegh government, which led to a change in the US approach towards the Mossadegh government, and what media and propaganda tactics did the Tudeh Party use to achieve its goals?Results and discussionThe Tudeh Party considered the increased presence of American advisors to be an obstacle to the formation of various strikes and the pursuit of its goals, because they considered their presence to be equivalent to control of factories and government institutions, suppression of the labor movement, and fire and blood. William Warren, head of the Principal Four Administration of Iran, admitted that in 1952, the health aid of the Principal Four had reduced malaria in some areas by a quarter. The local people also had good relations with them. In the meantime, the Tudeh Party had concentrated all its propaganda power in these villages where the American experts were working.After the Tudeh Party was outlawed in 1948, the party's activities took the form of forming groups and societies called the "National Society for Combating Colonialism" and the "Iranian Society for Peace Supporters," which, in addition to holding demonstrations, published affiliated newspapers such as "Shahbaz" and "Maslhat" to promote Soviet communist goals. Other newspapers of this party include Sangar Solh, Nama Manda, Nama Azarbaijan, Baqoos Hadar, Banh Mardud, Vorar Kar, Ranj O Ganj, and Besoo Aindayad. The content of these publications included various political issues, including denouncing American imperialism. The leftist newspapers tried to prove that the American government fully supported British policies. The party had its own media sabotage tactics against each axis of struggle. The Tudeh Party distorted and ridiculed the issue of improving the breed of cattle and draft animals and breeding draft mules, and used traditional Iranian customs and poems against it. The Tudeh Party newspapers wrote in this regard: "Ah! The great United States is coming to help Iran, and what will Iran gain? How many donkeys! The people are hungry, but what are the results and promises of the wealthy imperialist? How many donkeys?" Moscow Radio also made a provocative move, ridiculing this incident, and every night it talked about the donkeys brought to Iran. Accordingly, the communists were skilled propagandists and acted more cleverly than any group in Iran. Accordingly, the continuation of economic and technical aid, American security assistance to the Mossadegh government, was defined as a hostage to a kind of reform in the Mossadegh government's relations with the communists, headed by the Tudeh Party, and political alliance with the United States.The campaign tactics of the Iranian Tudeh Party were aligned with other communists in other parts of the world and were managed by Soviet sympathizers. In other words, the official position of the Tudeh Party regarding the US's four-point aid to the Mossadegh government was, in principle, in line with the global policy of communism and the Soviet state. The campaigns against American experts were based on anything that could have good media coverage, and their tactics were in line with the changing conditions.ConclusionThe situation of the Tudeh Party and its relations with the Mossadegh government created multifaceted conditions. Although the leaders of the Tudeh Party, including Kianuri, claimed to support and assist the Mossadegh government, the content of the party's press and publications, although not uniform, strongly refuted this claim. On the one hand, the party's closeness to the government and Mossadegh's tolerance of their actions had caused concern in the United States and served as an excuse to delay or prevent the granting of financial assistance under the Fourth Principle of the United States to Iran. On the other hand, it played an important role in distancing the Truman administration from Mossadegh and turning the United States towards the program of "blocking Soviet influence" in Iran; an issue that was emphasized during the Eisenhower administration and led to a change in the American approach towards the National Front and its representative, the Mossadegh government. In the new American perspective, Mossadegh was not known to be a supporter of communism, but his policies destabilized Iran and paved the way for the activities of the only organized party in Iran, the Tudeh Party.  https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106060.html During the latter half of Mohammad Mosaddegh, the oil-free economy strategy was adopted by government officials as an economic approach—without prior planning and in response to the British oil sanctions. Under this strategy, various economic sectors were reviewed. However, the government's primary emphasis was on industrial development, as industry—as a productive and job-creating sector—could significantly influence the advancement of other sectors and help achieve the objectives of the oil-free economy strategy. The present study, drawing on archival documents and library resources through a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to answer the following questions: What were the government's industrial policies, and what impacts did they have on the oil-free economy strategy? The historical documents and sources used in this research indicate that these industrial policies functioned as a double-edged sword. So that these policies simultaneously stimulated industrial activity, boosted manufacturing output, increased the number of firms and factories, and enhanced industrial investment—all contributing to sanctions resilience—yet paradoxically fostered various dependencies: reliance on imported machinery, proliferation of assembly plants, dependence on foreign experts, and need for external capital. These outcomes fundamentally contradicted the oil-free economy's core principles. Introduction  In 1950 (1329 SH), Iran witnessed the successful culmination of the oil nationalization movement – a major turning point in the country’s modern political and economic history. The passage of the nationalization bill not only catapulted Mohammad Mosaddegh to the office of Prime Minister but also triggered a range of international reactions, including a series of crippling oil sanctions. While the movement’s supporters were initially optimistic, believing that Western dependence on Iranian oil, along with inter-Allied tensions between Britain and the United States, would shield Iran from serious repercussions, the reality soon proved otherwise. Mosaddegh’s government quickly realized that although the United States might prevent Britain from launching a military intervention, it would not support Iranian oil exports either. This strategic deadlock marked a decisive moment that prompted Mosaddegh and his economic advisors to reevaluate the country’s financial and development strategy. Faced with a shrinking budget and declining oil revenues, they began shifting their focus toward building a more resilient and self-sufficient national economy based on non-oil sectors. This shift gave rise to a broad economic framework known as the “oil-free economy”. Beginning in August 1951, the Mosaddegh administration moved to replace previous economic policies with new ones, centered around revitalizing agriculture, expanding industrial capacity, rebalancing foreign trade, and managing the national budget with reduced reliance on oil income. The oil-free economy quickly became more than a set of policies – it emerged as a guiding vision for national development in a time of crisis. Mosaddegh and the technocrats surrounding him were strongly influenced by the economic philosophy of Friedrich List, who argued that every nation should develop an autonomous and robust national economy. List advocated for active state intervention in the form of industrialization, agricultural modernization, and protection of local production. His emphasis on reducing imports, promoting exports, and achieving economic independence found a receptive audience in Mosaddegh’s cabinet. Consequently, the industrial sector received significant attention as a key engine for economic growth and employment. New industrial strategies were approved, with the hope that a strong domestic industry would support other sectors and contribute to the success of the oil-free economic vision.  Materials And Methods  The focus on the industrial sector as a major generator of wealth and employment during Mosaddegh’s premiership was not without historical precedent. Earlier, during Reza Shah’s rule, industrial development had also been a top priority. In both cases, the inspiration stemmed largely from observing Germany’s economic transformation. Notably, the German economist Hjalmar Schacht was invited to Iran in both periods to provide economic advice and planning support. However, the critical difference in Mosaddegh’s era lay in the strategic context: industrial policy was not pursued in isolation but rather embedded within a larger, holistic economic framework – the oil-free economy. This overarching strategy informed all sectors of national planning and defined the government’s approach to development. It was backed by a cohort of technocrats who believed that Iran’s economic sovereignty required bold new thinking, especially amid the collapse of oil revenues. The present research aims to evaluate the alignment of Mosaddegh’s industrial policies with the core principles of the oil-free economy strategy. To do this, the study adopts a descriptive-analytical research method. First, it conducts a descriptive review of Mosaddegh-era industrial policies, relying on underused archival sources, economic reports, government decrees, and parliamentary records from the early 1950s. Then, it moves to an analytical phase, evaluating the effects and implications of these policies on Iran’s industrial development. Particular attention is given to identifying both the achievements and the contradictions that emerged during implementation. For example, while industrial growth was notable, questions remain about the level of dependence on foreign capital, technical expertise, and imported machinery. By analyzing these elements, the research is aimed at offering a nuanced understanding of whether Mosaddegh’s industrial policies truly advanced the vision of an oil-independent economy – or whether, in practice, they reproduced new forms of economic dependency under the guise of independence. Result and Discussion This research has sought to examine, in a detailed and structured manner, the full set of industrial policies implemented by the government of Mohammad Mosaddegh. These policies formed a subset of the broader economic measures undertaken to execute the “oil-free economy” strategy, which was seen as a way out of the economic crisis imposed by international oil sanctions. By studying historical documents, economic reports, and data from that period, the study has highlighted the short-term but measurable impacts of these industrial policies, even within the limited lifespan of Mosaddegh’s administration. Concrete shifts were evident in the industrial sector. The government’s deliberate focus on activating domestic industry produced marked improvements in industrial output and performance. There was a notable surplus in non-oil trade, an increase in the production levels of key manufactured goods, growth in the number and capacity of workshops and industrial plants, a rise in mining operations, and an overall surge in investments across various industrial sub-sectors. These outcomes point to a policy direction that, at least initially, yielded productive results aligned with the intended economic recovery. However, when examined more deeply, these policies also reveal certain inconsistencies and contradictions in relation to the broader principles of the oil-free economy. These contradictions were not widely acknowledged at the time, due to the government’s focus on escaping immediate economic collapse. Yet, they remain critical to understanding the longer-term implications of Mosaddegh’s strategy. One of the key contradictions lies in the financial foundations of industrial expansion. Despite aiming for independence from oil revenue, the government turned early on to foreign financial aid – particularly from the United States – through programs like the Truman Doctrine’s Point Four initiative. A significant share of funding for industrial development thus came from international assistance rather than domestic sources. Besides, large volumes of industrial equipment and machinery were imported from foreign countries. In several cases, raw materials and primary exports from Iran were bartered or sold in exchange for industrial tools and technologies. This pattern reinforced a dependency on external economic systems, undermining the spirit of the oil-free economy’s original goal: autonomy. Another notable issue was the reliance on foreign expertise. The government entrusted many critical phases of industrial development to foreign engineers, technicians, and consultants. While this reliance was not unprecedented in Iranian history, it expanded significantly during Mosaddegh’s tenure. The result was an increase in assembly-based industries and imported production models, which did not encourage sustainable, locally rooted technological or scientific independence. In essence, this aspect of Mosaddegh’s industrial strategy not only failed to reduce Iran’s dependency on foreign powers but also shifted that dependency – from the British-dominated oil industry to other sectors dominated by new foreign actors, particularly the United States. Therefore, some industrial policies – though well-intentioned – stood in clear tension with the very strategy they were meant to advance.  ConclusionsThe industrial policies pursued under Mohammad Mosaddegh’s administration proved to be a double-edged sword, producing both constructive achievements and unintended setbacks. This research has attempted to present a balanced evaluation of both the strengths and weaknesses of these policies, particularly within the framework of the broader oil-free economy strategy. On the one hand, the administration succeeded in sparking industrial growth within a remarkably short period. Statistical improvements in production, trade balance, investment, and factory output suggest that the government’s policy focus bore tangible results and held potential for further success – had the administration lasted longer. On the other hand, these developments did not result in a fundamentally self-reliant industrial system. The government lacked access to essential resources such as sufficient domestic “capital”, advanced “technology”, and an “experienced technical workforce”. As a result, rather than reducing Iran’s reliance on foreign entities, the government simply redirected it – from dependence on British oil interests to new industrial dependencies, particularly involving the United States and other foreign suppliers and advisors. Ultimately, the long-term effects of this shift in dependency became more evident in the years following Mosaddegh’s fall from power. The policies he initiated did not fully fulfill the promise of economic independence that the oil-free economy had set out to achieve. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105833.html The end of World War II marked a new era in Iran’s contemporary history concerning its relations with the global capitalist hegemony. Following WWII, which established U.S. hegemony in the global capitalist system and international relations, Iran’s politics and economy were heavily influenced by the U.S., especially during the Cold War. Consequently, the Nixon Doctrine, stemming from U.S. domestic and international challenges over the Vietnam War, significantly impacted Iran. Assigning Iran the primary military role in the Persian Gulf under this doctrine affected Iranian societal structures, notably its military. This historical research, therefore, investigates: What was the impact of implementing the Nixon Twin-Pillar Doctrine in the Persian Gulf, with Iran as its first military pillar, on Iran’s armament capabilities from 1969 to 1971? Findings indicate that U.S.-Iran alignment and mutual willingness for Iran to assume the primary military role under the Nixon Doctrine in the Persian Gulf enhanced Iran’s armament capabilities from 1969 to 1971. This increase stemmed from Iran’s ability to purchase arms from nations with military industries, crucially enabled by President Nixon’s personal support. This allowed Iran, under the Shah, to acquire advanced weaponry from the U.S., Britain, Western European nations, and even the USSR, to fulfill its military role within the Nixon Doctrine.Introduction The 1970s C.E. ushered in profound geopolitical transformations in the Middle East, particularly within the strategic Persian Gulf region. Britain’s 1971 military withdrawal from East of Suez engendered a regional power vacuum, attracting heightened attention from major powers, notably the United States and the Soviet Union, amidst the Cold War. During this critical historical juncture, marked by escalating East-West ideological and geostrategic rivalries and the repercussions of the Vietnam War for the U.S., the Nixon Doctrine was introduced in 1969 C.E. by President Richard Nixon. This new U.S. foreign policy is fundamentally aimed at reducing direct American military commitments globally, relying instead on allied regional powers to maintain stability and counter communist influence. Iran, under the rule of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was central to the implementation of the Nixon Doctrine in the Persian Gulf. The nation’s prominent geopolitical position and abundant oil resources rendered it an ideal candidate to act as a regional gendarme and a key pillar of U.S. policy. Consequently, military and security relations between Iran and the United States entered a new, intensified phase, distinctly characterized by the extensive sale of the most advanced American weaponry to Iran. The Shah was granted considerable latitude (carte blanche) to equip the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces with modern armaments, including F-14 Tomcat fighters, Chieftain tanks, and advanced naval vessels such as destroyers and hovercraft. The present historical research aims to examine the impact of the Nixon Doctrine on the enhancement of Iran’s armament capabilities, a direct consequence of this policy. The military ramifications of the Nixon Doctrine profoundly influenced the accelerated and unprecedented augmentation of the Iranian Army’s strength during the second Pahlavi era. This study seeks to elucidate how U.S. foreign policy at this particular juncture catalyzed the transformation of Iran into one of the preeminent military powers in the Persian Gulf and the broader Middle East, and to investigate the military consequences this transformation entailed for Iran during this period. Materials And Methods   The historical, political, and international nature of the present research necessitates the adoption of a historical approach, utilizing a descriptive-analytical methodology. Within this framework, the researcher initially provides a scientific description of the contexts, events, and policies pertinent to the subject matter, and subsequently proceeds to elucidate the causal factors underlying its formation, its essential components, and its military ramifications. This study, employing the historical research method in a descriptive-analytical manner and relying on library and documentary studies, examines the influential factors in the formulation of the Nixon Doctrine and scrutinizes its military consequences for the enhancement of the Iranian Army’s armament capabilities during the second Pahlavi era. The authors of this research seek to answer the fundamental question: What impact did Nixon’s twin-pillar doctrine in the Persian Gulf, and Iran’s fulfillment of a military role as the primary pillar of this doctrine, have on the army’s armament capabilities between 1969 and 1971 C.E.? In this study, while adhering to the principle of academic integrity and relying on credible sources, an initial examination is made of the historical-political contexts leading to the emergence of the Nixon Doctrine. This includes the Cold War and its critical turning point, the Vietnam War, and ultimately, the shift in the United States’ approach to its grand strategies at the international system level. Following the collection, validation, and classification of data from these diverse sources, the authors have conducted a qualitative analysis and engaged in scientific inference regarding the dimensions of the Nixon Doctrine’s impact on Iran’s armament capabilities. Result and Discussion The formulation and implementation of the Nixon Doctrine in the late 1960s C.E. can be fundamentally understood and analyzed within the context of the ideological and geopolitical conflicts of the Cold War era, and particularly under the influence of its decisive turning point, the Vietnam War. This doctrine represented a shift in United States policy to reduce direct U.S. military commitments worldwide and rely on allied regional powers to maintain stability and contain communist influence at the international system level. This policy shift had profound impacts on the structure of the international system and power equations in various regions of the world, including the sensitive Middle East region and, more specifically, the Persian Gulf. Iran, under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, became one of the pivotal elements for the implementation of this doctrine in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region. The British military withdrawal from East of Suez in 1971 C.E.—itself a consequence of the decline of its colonial power after World War II and an indicator of the hegemonic transition from Britain to the United States—created a power vacuum in the Persian Gulf region. At a time when the United States, affected by the repercussions of the Vietnam War and domestic pressures, was refraining from direct military intervention in crisis regions, Iran emerged as an ideal candidate to fill this vacuum and assume the role of protecting Western interests. Iran’s strategic position, its shared border with the Soviet Union, abundant energy resources, as well as the Shah’s personal interest and ambition to transform Iran into a dominant regional power, provided the basis for this selection. Thus, Iran became the primary pillar of the so-called twin-pillar policy within the Nixon Doctrine in the Persian Gulf, transforming into the region’s gendarme. The Pahlavi regime’s acceptance of this role, in the first instance, entailed significant military consequences for Iran. The most significant of these consequences was the unprecedented quantitative and qualitative expansion of the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces’ capabilities, which endowed Iran with the capacity to intervene in regional crises, such as the suppression of the Dhofar rebellion in Oman, with the aim of countering communist movements. The massive and virtually unrestricted procurement of advanced weaponry and military equipment, particularly from the United States, was a salient characteristic of this period. Conclusions The challenges confronted by the United States during the Vietnam War prompted Richard Nixon to formulate his doctrine, which emphasized a reduction in direct American military commitments and a reliance on regional allies. The Persian Gulf, as an energy hub and a strategic region, was placed at the core of this doctrine, and the twin-pillar policy, with Iran as the primary military pillar and Saudi Arabia as the secondary financial pillar, was implemented. Iran’s acceptance of the role of regional gendarme, a position that aligned with the ambitions of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, led the United States to abandon its previous restrictions on arms sales. Consequently, a deluge of advanced American weaponry, in both quantitative and qualitative terms, flowed into Iran, and military procurements from Britain and other Western nations, such as Italy and France, also saw a significant increase. This development fundamentally transformed the structure of the Iranian military—across its land, naval, and air forces—and established it as the preeminent military power in the region. Possessing this enhanced capability enabled Iran to undertake direct and indirect military interventions in regional affairs, including the suppression of insurgents in Oman.   https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106104.html This article investigates the genealogy of the concepts of liberty and despotism in modern Iran, focusing on their earliest narrative and conceptual formulations through the symbolic dyad of the “Iranian Voltaire” and the “Iranian Napoleon” as represented in Persian travelogues from the early Qajar period. Employing a composite theoretical framework that integrates Reinhart Koselleck’s conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte), Quentin Skinner’s theory of speech acts, and Michel Foucault’s genealogy of discourse, the study demonstrates how key political concepts—such as parliament, republic, liberty, nation, and absolute monarchy—were formed within structures of semantic rupture and asynchronous temporalities unique to Iran’s encounter with modernity. Through a comparative reading of three seminal travelogues—Tohfat al-‘Alam, Masir-e Talebi, and The Travelogues of Mirza Saleh Shirazi—the paper shows how “liberty” was primarily conceived via the British model of constitutional monarchy and contrasted with the “French tumult,” while “Napoleon” emerged as a prototype of the strong, rational, and patriotic ruler. This symbolic dichotomy reappears in later political treatises, most notably in the writings of Akhundzadeh (as a proponent of parliamentarism) and al-Mousavi (as a defender of absolutism). The article argues that both positions, albeit antagonistic, were unknowingly shaped by a shared conceptual structure originally stabilized in the travelogues. Ultimately, the study aims to recover the latent conceptual discontinuities underlying the persistent crisis of liberty in Iranian political modernity.Introduction This paper emerges from a foundational theoretical question: From what horizons can one think the history of Iran? At its core lies the crisis of liberty as a fundamental rupture in modern Iranian political thought. This rupture is not simply a matter of theoretical abstraction but a lived problem that has repeatedly shaped Iran’s political transformations, from the Constitutional Revolution to the present. Crucially, to pose the question in this way is to recognize that any history is inseparable from the vantage point through which it is conceived and narrated. While dominant historiographies of Iranian modernity have explored state formation, nation-building, and the experience of modernity, they have largely neglected the conceptual history of liberty. This study argues that the crisis of liberty is not simply a matter of institutional absence but reflects a deeper failure to establish liberty as a coherent political concept grounded in the epistemic and institutional logic of modern thought. This research diverges from conventional frameworks by focusing on the genealogical tension between constitutionalism and monarchism under the broader theme of liberty’s crisis. A central axis of this investigation is the underexplored figure of Arthur de Gobineau. Aside from a brief reference by Karim Mojtahedi (2004) and limited engagement by Ali-Asghar Mosleh (2002) and others, Gobineau’s conceptual legacy has not been meaningfully integrated into studies of Iran’s modern political imagination. This paper departs from race-based and interpretive genealogies to examine how the Voltaire/Napoleon duality functions as a mythological structure within Iranian political discourse. It also situates this analysis within broader representations of Europe in Iranian travelogues. While scholars such as Haeri (1995) and Tabatabai (2018) have highlighted the role of travel writing in introducing modern political concepts, existing studies focus primarily on England and the institution of parliament, and the symbolic role of Napoleon remains largely unexamined. Even in works like Tavakoli-Targhi’s Indigenous Modernity (2016), which richly analyzes the political language of Qajar-era travelogues, the Voltaire/Napoleon pair—and its connection to the liberty/despotism divide—has yet to be placed at the center of inquiry. Materials And Methods   This study employs an integrative methodological approach to analyze the conceptual struggle between "constitutionalism" and "monarchism" in Persian travelogues from the Qajar era. Primarily, Koselleck's conceptual history framework serves as the foundation for examining lexical transformations within the texts. Koselleck (2004) conceptualizes terms not merely as linguistic tools, but as dynamic elements of social history that acquire meaning and undergo reconstruction within the tension between "horizon of expectation" (Erwartungshorizont) and "space of experience" (Erfahrungsraum). Complementing this structural analysis, Skinner's approach to political discourse analysis is employed to understand historical actors' intentions and the pragmatic context of conceptual usage. Skinner (2002) maintains that political texts should be studied as intentional speech acts rather than simply as documents for retrieving fixed conceptual meanings. However, the combination of Koselleck and Skinner alone cannot adequately analyze the invisible mechanisms of discursive order and the construction of political subjectivity in these texts. This limitation is particularly acute when confronting the profound epistemic shifts that characterized the Qajar encounter with the West. Therefore, Foucault's genealogical approach is incorporated into the research framework. Foucauldian genealogy, in contrast to continuous and essentialist historiography, emphasizes conceptual discontinuities, heterogeneities, and rupture points, demonstrating how specific forms of knowledge, subjectivity, and normativity emerge within discursive formations, determining the possibilities of meaning production or suppression (Foucault, 1977). The synthesis of these three approaches enables a multilayered textual analysis: 1) semantic conceptual changes at the linguistic structural level (Koselleck); 2) the motivations and objectives of intellectual actors within their historical context (Skinner); and 3) the implicit rules of epistemic order and the discursive nature of Qajar political language (Foucault). Consequently, the present research attempts to transcend the boundaries of each approach, thereby facilitating a comprehensive understanding of the complex discourse surrounding modern political concepts in Qajar Iran - particularly in the context of Western conceptual transfer, encounters with modernity, and the asynchronous formulation of modern political thought. This model, therefore, does not seek to flatten these distinct methodologies but to place them in a productive dialogue, creating a robust analytical prism through which the multifaceted struggle within the texts can be illuminated. Result and Discussion If we interpret nationalist and Orientalist historiographies of Iran through the theoretical framework established by Arthur de Gobineau, we come to see that many of their core ambiguities, metaphors, and concepts stem from that very foundation. Thus, revisiting Gobineau’s thought is not a purely historiographical endeavor, but a theoretical necessity for transcending his legacy and formulating an alternative conceptual approach to modern Iranian history in light of the crisis of liberty. Central to Gobineau’s contribution is the dualism that would come to embody the broader intellectual conflict between despotism and liberty in modern Iranian thought, particularly through his analysis of how Iranians confronted two iconic figures of modern French civilization: Voltaire and Napoleon. Numerous studies have highlighted the formative role of travelogues in shaping the conceptual history of modern Iran. In the early Qajar era, travel writing was not only the dominant genre but effectively the sole discursive form enabling a synchronic engagement with European thought amid the asynchronicity of Iranian rationality. Early references to concepts such as liberty, parliament, and the myth of Napoleon entered Iranian discourse almost exclusively through travelogues. One of the earliest Persian travelogues to feature Napoleon and the parliament is Tohfat al-‘Alam by Shushtari. For him, revolution, parliament, council, and Napoleon form the four central motifs of his French narrative. His portrayal of Napoleon—imbued with reason, prudence, bravery, and authority—resonates with the archetype of the Iranian strong sovereign, albeit within a modern, foreign context. In his eyes, Napoleon was a necessary response to the chaos caused by councils and the collapse of royal authority. Abu Taleb Khan offered a more expansive and progressive account of the French Revolution. He explicitly positioned republicanism against monarchy and presented the parliament as a cornerstone of political legitimacy and power-sharing. In his narrative, Napoleon's rise signaled not simply a coup, but the gradual transformation from republican ideals to centralized, personal rule. However, Shirazi’s travelogue framed Britain as a constitutional monarchy preserving order and freedom, while depicting France as the site of failed balance—oscillating between revolutionaries like Robespierre and authoritative figures like Napoleon. This dualism shaped later political visions of both constitutionalists and absolutists. Thinkers such as Akhundzadeh exemplified the conceptual rupture between republican modernity and nationalist romanticism. His critique of despotism and advocacy for constitutional monarchy underscored the inadequacy of traditional travelogue discourse and called for a new political-conceptual language. Conversely, thinkers like Al-Mosavi defended absolutism and condemned republicanism, yet paradoxically reproduced many of the conceptual structures introduced via travelogues. The resulting tension established a foundational break in Iranian political language. This fracture was never truly synthesized or overcome; instead, it became the very battleground upon which competing visions of the nation-state were fought. As this discourse entered the national consciousness during the Constitutional Revolution, romantic nationalism increasingly served to legitimize one pole of the debate. Ultimately, however, with Reza Khan’s rise, this tension resolved in favor of monarchism, reshaping Iranian nationalism into a vehicle for authoritarian rule. Conclusions This study examines the ideological clash between constitutionalism and monarchism in modern Iran, tracing its early unconscious formulation in Gobineau’s works. By applying the Voltaire/Napoleon binary to Iranian political thought, the research constructs a genealogical narrative of this struggle, a key facet of Iran’s crisis of liberty. Akhundzadeh’s constitutionalism was undermined by romantic nationalism, antiquarian myths, and reliance on distorted concepts from travelogues. His ideas remained overshadowed by the Napoleonic paradigm, while Al-Mousavi epitomized its extreme form, defending absolute monarchy and rejecting republicanism. The failure to establish a coherent constitutionalist language led to the authoritarian rise of Reza Shah, a response to political chaos. Constitutionalists needed to disentangle key concepts from the corrupted discourse of travelogues and anti-constitutionalist rhetoric. However, internal weaknesses—particularly romantic nationalism and nostalgic mythmaking—further weakened the movement. Despite Akhundzadeh’s pioneering role, he could not forge a durable constitutionalist language capable of firmly anchoring liberty and the rule of law in Iran’s intellectual tradition. Thus, the struggle between constitutionalism and authoritarianism remained unresolved, shaping Iran’s modern political trajectory. Consequently, the foundational binaries of this 19th-century discourse continue to echo in the nation’s unresolved political debates, demonstrating the enduring power of these initially imported conceptual frameworks.  https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106059.html The Shahsevan tribe, a major tribal union in northwest Iran, underwent significant changes during the Pahlavi era due to forced settlement policies in the 1310s, leading many to settle in the Mughan Plain and adjacent areas. After Reza Shah's fall in 1320 SH, the Shahsevans resumed limited migrations. From the late 1320s to the end of the Pahlavi era in 1357 SH, extensive developments in the Mughan Plain prompted widespread settlement, resulting in the establishment of Shahsevan-based villages. This data-driven study, utilizing archival and library sources and a descriptive-analytical approach, investigates the settlement process of the Shahsevan tribes in the Mughan Plain during this period.Findings reveal that internal factors, such as employment as daily wage workers and livestock losses, combined with government-driven incentives and coercive measures, drove the settlement. Key government initiatives included transferring state lands in Azerbaijan, permitting aqueduct construction, building canals and irrigation networks, and establishing agricultural and agro-industrial companies, such as the Azerbaijan Shiyar Company. These efforts facilitated the Shahsevans' transition to a sedentary life, encouraging agriculture and participation in emerging industries. The Shahsevans settled in areas with access to land suitable for farming. Ultimately, government policies and actions during this period transformed the Mughan Plain, fostering development and enabling the Shahsevans to embrace agriculture and new economic opportunities, leading to permanent settlement and village formation.Introduction The settlement and village formation process for Iran's tribes, particularly the Shahsevan, involved two approaches: "forced settlement" and "facilitating voluntary settlement." Originating in the early Safavid period, the Shahsevan were influenced by tribal displacement policies. During Reza Shah's reign, constructing a dam on the Aras River for the Mughan Plain irrigation was crucial for their survival. The government introduced the Shahsevan to sedentary life and agriculture. Despite mixed outcomes of forced resettlement, many Shahsevan were settled, while others adopted livestock farming. After Reza Shah's fall in 1320 SH, some resumed nomadic life, but by the late 1320s, events in the Mughan Plain encouraged village settlement. Local histories like Mughan in the Scope of History and studies by Khalaj and colleagues, Yousefifar and colleagues, Rakhsh Khorshid, and Hoquqi Isfahani provide insights into the Shahsevan’s settlement, irrigation projects, and socio-economic structures. These works detail the Reza Shah government’s planning, the Mughan Plain development company’s efforts, and the settled Shahsevan’s housing, education, and administrative organization.Some Iranologists have also conducted valuable research on the subject under investigation:Richard Tupper in "The Political and Social History of the Shahsevans of Mughan" has examined issues related to the settlement of the Shahsevans in the first and second Pahlavi periods. He has published other materials on the settlement of the Shahsevans in other works, such as the entries in the encyclopedias "Iranica", "The Great Islamic Encyclopedia", "The Encyclopedia of World Cultures", as well as his numerous other books and articles, which have been used in this article as needed for discussion.Also, several European anthropologists such as Pierr Bessaignet, Cornelius Optland, and Gunther Schweizer have conducted research and studies on the nomadic society of the Shahsevans of the Mughan Plain.Given that documentary research plays a very important role in presenting new and less-attentioned materials, this research seeks to present new materials from the content of documents about the settlement of the Shahsevans of the Mughan Plain and the formation of Shahsevans-dwelling villages in a specified time period. Materials And Methods   This data-based research, based on the method of collecting information from archival centers and libraries and using a descriptive-analytical method, aims to examine the process of settling the Shahsevan tribes in the Mughan Plain and the formation of Shahsevan-based villages in the period from 1327 to 1357 SH.In this research, we aim to answer the question of what factors led to the settlement of the Shahsevans and the formation of Shahsevan-based villages in the Mughan Plain and its adjacent areas during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi?The research hypothesis is that during this period, the Shahsevans of the Mughan Plain of Azerbaijan, on the one hand, under the influence of the activities of the Azerbaijan Shiyar Company and joint-stock agricultural companies and agro-industrial companies, and on the other hand, the acquisition of lands that were irrigated by constructed canals, gradually settled, and Shahsevan-based villages emerged.The present study attempts to provide a detailed description of the settlement process of the Shahsevans in the Mughan Plain region, to explain the process of their settlement and the formation of Shahsevan villages in the period in question. Initially, library resources such as relevant articles and books were studied, and notes were taken. Then, the required documents were obtained from the National Archives and Library of Iran. Each of the files included different and diverse topics of the settlement of the Shahsevans in the Mughan Plain, and the pages related to the research topic were used. One of the most important problems I faced during the compilation was the abundance of data volume and the difficulty of summarizing it in an article. To solve this problem, the most important data were selected, and another part of the data was postponed to other research in this period. Result and Discussion In 1327 SH, with the re-establishment of the “Tribe Settlement Department” under the supervision of the Ministry of Interior, the nomadic settlement program was resumed. The Shahsevan nomads were also included in this plan as part of the nomads of the country.In the late 1320s, northeastern Azerbaijan experienced harsh winters and low-yield summers. More than seventy percent of the livestock and quadrupeds, including almost all the pack animals, perished. Hundreds of nomads died of starvation. Those who had returned to their huts after the fall of Reza Shah’s reign were once again forced to leave their huts. Some went to the cities to earn a living. Others settled in villages they had built themselves in Mughan and other parts of the region. Following these disasters, in 1327-8 SH, the government transferred part of the state lands of Mughan to the Planning Organization for the implementation of the development and settlement project of the nomads in the framework of the first seven-year plan (Taper, 2005: 346). As a result of the development measures of the Planning Organization in the Mughan plain, some of them have abandoned their nomadic life and have settled down.In the late 1330s, simultaneously with the development measures of the Mughan Plain and the demand of the Shahsevans for the transfer of land, the government decided to transfer the lands to those who had received the transfer papers of the 1310s. Another factor that contributed to the settlement process and the formation of villages in the Shahsevans was the establishment of the Shiyar Azarbaijan Company, which, according to the company's statutes, "is established for buying and selling tractors, seeds and other agricultural equipment for farming in the Mughan Plain and other cities of Azerbaijan and any other permitted commercial operations that are useful for the advancement of the company's purpose". For this purpose, lands were transferred by the government for the company's activities, and the Shahsevans also gathered at the company's location.After the initial measures of the Shiyar Company, the program organization decided to provide agricultural activities and a settlement area for a group of Shahsevans by transferring water from the Aras River. For this purpose, a plan was prepared to construct a water transfer channel from the Aras and irrigation channels. Two main channels, A and T, and several subsidiary channels will be created in the Mughan plain, and Shahsevan-dwelling villages will be formed near these channels, and each of the Shahsevans will be given plots of land of 6 and 12 hectares for agriculture. In a survey of the reasons for settling in these villages, the villagers stated the following: development of the Mughan plain, lack of fodder in the desert and the loss of sheep due to drought, freedom from nomadism, poverty and hunger, destruction of crops due to drought or snow and cold, land division in Mughan, oppression and pressure from the Khans, agriculture and business. Conclusions The Shahsevans of the Mughan Plain were resettled in two stages during the Pahlavi period. During the reign of Reza Shah, the Shahsevans were forced to settle in coordination with other Iranian tribes. Many of them accepted the forced settlement program due to their fatigue from the unrest of the late Qajar period, which was more severe in the northwest of Iran than in other parts.In the 1320s, due to the lack of a centralized and powerful government and the failure to pursue forced settlement policies, the Shahsevans resumed nomadic life like other Iranian tribes.In the 1330s, the government's attention was drawn to the Mughan Plain in the form of development programs. The establishment of the Shiyar Azerbaijan Company in the late 1320s and its continuation under the name of the Mughan Plain Development Company provided the basis for the settlement of some of the Shahsevans. The Mughan Plain irrigation project, which had not been completed during the first Pahlavi period, gradually led to the development of the Mughan Plain and the Shahsevans' desire to settle there by constructing irrigation networks and building several villages for the Shahsevans to live in. With the development of agricultural lands, the Khans and Shahsevans, who had title deeds, began to register the lands in their own names. Land registration and agricultural work gradually brought them together, and the first Shahsevan villages were formed with government support policies. It should be noted that the construction of irrigation networks and the development of the Mughan Plain also had political reasons. The proximity of that region to the Soviet Union and the possibility of abuse and rebellion by the Shahsevan tribe prompted the Pahlavi government to implement large projects with large investments in order to both commercialize agriculture and force the nomads of the region to settle and work in the desired projects. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106058.html The sweeping system in Shiraz during the Pahlavi era, as part of the urban modernization process, encountered significant social transformations and structural challenges. This study addresses two primary research questions: What social, institutional, and economic challenges did sweepers, as an emerging group shaped by modernity in a traditional city like Shiraz, face? And how did the central government’s modernization and centralization policies impact the sweeping system and its structural changes in Pahlavi-era Shiraz? Employing a descriptive-analytical method, this research draws on archival documents, local press reports, and library resources. The findings reveal that sweepers, beyond their technical duties such as street cleaning and waste management, performed multifaceted roles, including ditch dredging, transporting waste outside the city, irrigating trees, and even participating in firefighting operations. These activities not only contributed to improved urban hygiene and order but also served as a symbol of state authority and social order in public spaces. In line with the Pahlavi regime’s centralizing policies and the strengthening of local bureaucratic institutions, sweepers’ activities became more structured. However, this group faced numerous challenges, including low wages, frequent delays in payment, lack of social insurance, job insecurity, spatial discrimination in the allocation of urban resources, and the absence of institutional housing. The introduction of mechanized tools, modern division of labor, and the use of uniforms, while improving the outward appearance of their work, failed to address deep-seated social and class inequalities. This study demonstrates that, despite their critical role in ensuring urban order, safety, and hygiene, sweepers lacked sufficient legal and livelihood support.Introduction Urban cleaning has long been recognized as a fundamental pillar for establishing order, public health, and enhancing the quality of life in cities. In Iran, the enactment of the Baladieh Law on 11 Khordad 1286 (2 June 1907) marked the institutionalization of urban cleaning and public hygiene management. Modeled on Western urban management frameworks, this law delegated the responsibility of organizing public spaces and city hygiene to municipalities (baladieh). Within this modern structure, the " street sweeping " or "roftgar" emerged as a key agent of urban order, tasked with duties such as street cleaning, waste collection, and waste management. The term "sopur," derived from the Turkish verb "süpürmek" (to sweep), was commonly used in the early Pahlavi period but was gradually replaced by "roftgar" following the establishment of the Persian Language and Literature Academy in 1314 (1935). In Shiraz, the formation of the municipality, roughly concurrent with Tehran, laid the foundation for the street cleaning profession. However, the nascent institution faced inefficiencies due to its novelty, a shortage of skilled labor, and the turbulent political-social conditions following World War I. With the onset of the Pahlavi era, the government’s modernization and centralization policies brought significant transformations to Shiraz. The Law on the Construction and Expansion of Streets, enacted on 22 Aban 1312 (13 November 1933), transformed street construction and the redefinition of public spaces into symbols of modernization. Streets such as Karim Khan Zand and Lotfali Khan Zand became new hubs of social and economic activity, replacing traditional bazaars. Urban cleaning evolved beyond a mere service function, becoming integral to the discourse of modern power and discipline, institutionalizing order, transparency, and oversight in the city. Street cleaners, in addition to their service roles, became symbols of state authority and social order in public spaces. This study examines the role of street sweeping in the urban modernization of Shiraz, its social, economic, and institutional challenges, and the impact of the Pahlavi government’s centralizing policies on the street sweeping system. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and relying on archival documents, local newspapers, and library resources, this study analyzes the multifaceted role of street sweeping and its structural inequalities.Materials And Methods   This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, with data collected from diverse sources, including archival documents, local newspapers, and library resources. Primary sources from the National Library and Archives of Iran (SAKMA) provide comprehensive information on the duties, working conditions, livelihood challenges, and institutional structures of street sweeping. These documents include municipal performance reports, administrative correspondence, public complaints, and supervisory meeting minutes. Local newspapers, such as Pars, Estakhr, and Jam-e Jam, were analyzed to examine public perceptions of street sweeping issues and citizens’ perspectives. Library resources were reviewed to contextualize the historical and social background of urban modernization and the role of urban services during the Pahlavi era. Data analysis involved qualitative coding of documents and the extraction of key themes, such as the multifaceted duties of street sweeping, economic inequalities, weak citizen cooperation, and the impact of modernization policies. To enhance the validity of findings, data from various sources (archives, newspapers, and books) were cross-referenced to ensure accuracy and comprehensiveness. The study focuses on two primary research questions: 1) What were the social, institutional, and economic challenges faced by street sweeping in Pahlavi-era Shiraz? 2) How did the government’s modernization and centralization policies influence the street cleaning system and its structural changes? Research limitations include incomplete access to some archival documents and a scarcity of prior studies on street sweeping in Shiraz, which were mitigated through meticulous analysis of available sources. Theoretical frameworks, such as Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital and Putnam’s theory of social capital, were employed to analyze the social and institutional dimensions of the issues. Result and Discussion Street sweeping in Pahlavi-era Shiraz played a pivotal role in urban order and hygiene. Their duties extended beyond street cleaning to include dredging water channels, transporting waste outside the city, irrigating green spaces, and even participating in firefighting operations. These activities not only improved urban hygiene and physical order but also reproduced state authority in public spaces as part of the modern disciplinary discourse. The Pahlavi modernization policies, such as the 1312 (1933) Law on Street Construction, expanded street development and paving, introducing mechanized tools like water-spraying machines (1310/1931) and waste transport vehicles (1940s). These advancements enhanced the efficiency of urban services and modernized the city’s appearance.However, structural inequalities persisted as significant barriers. Low wages, frequent payment delays, and the absence of insurance until the late 1940s imposed severe financial burdens on street sweeping. Strikes in the 1940s, particularly during the World War II crisis, reflected growing class consciousness and resistance to unjust conditions. Weak citizen cooperation, rooted in low cultural capital and discriminatory attitudes toward street cleaners, undermined public participation in urban cleaning. Stringent municipal oversight, dismissals due to illness or military service obligations, and a lack of job security exacerbated institutional challenges. The introduction of uniforms in the 1940s and mechanized tools improved the appearance of the profession but failed to address class disparities. Spatial discrimination in resource allocation between affluent and traditional neighborhoods marginalized older districts and altered their demographic structures.The allocation of land for municipal housing in 1961 was a positive step, but within the framework of modernization policies, it maintained social-geographical distances between street sweeping and higher classes. These findings indicate that urban modernization, despite physical advancements like asphalt paving and street curbing, failed to achieve social justice for street cleaners. Putnam’s social capital theory highlights the lack of effective communication between citizens and street cleaners, hindering trust and civic participation. Additionally, Goffman’s theory of social performance confirms uniforms as symbols of urban order and control, yet this symbolism could not resolve deep social inequalities. Conclusions Street sweeping in Pahlavi-era Shiraz was a key actor in urban order and hygiene, with multifaceted roles extending beyond street cleaning to include dredging water channels, waste transport, green space irrigation, and firefighting. These duties underscored their significance in the urban modernization process. However, challenges such as low wages, payment delays, lack of insurance until the 1950s, and weak citizen cooperation—rooted in low cultural capital—undermined their social and economic status. The Pahlavi modernization and centralization policies, through bureaucratic structures and mechanized tools, enhanced the efficiency of urban services but failed to address structural inequalities. Spatial discrimination in resource allocation and the marginalization of traditional neighborhoods exacerbated class disparities. The allocation of land for municipal housing in the 1960s was a step toward improvement, but insufficient. This study demonstrates that urban modernization, despite its physical achievements, did not achieve social justice for street sweeping, emphasizing the need to examine the social history of marginalized groups in the modernization process. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106103.html One of the neglected topics in Iranian social history studies is the examination of health preservation and treatment practices among different age groups, particularly children. This study aims to explore the strategies employed to maintain health and treat various diseases in children during the Safavid era. It is an interdisciplinary research combining history and medicine. Data were collected through a library-based approach, mainly from medical manuscripts, and analyzed using a descriptive-analytical method.The findings reveal that, unlike most historical sources and travelogues, medical texts provide valuable information regarding children’s health in the Safavid period. In line with the humoral medical system, both cognitive (etiological) and behavioral (preventive and therapeutic) approaches were employed to address childhood diseases. Given the physical vulnerability of newborns, hygienic and caregiving measures played a crucial role in preserving their health. Infants were susceptible to various diseases; therefore, preventive measures and medicinal treatments -often external- were recommended according to illness type, physical condition, and age. Considering the contemporary importance of understanding historical pediatric practices, identifying and analyzing physicians’ perspectives across different periods can be beneficial and practical.Introduction One of the fascinating yet relatively underexplored topics in the fields of social and medical history is the study of health preservation strategies and methods of disease prevention and treatment throughout the human life cycle, from prenatal development to the end of life. This field of research not only provides a clear picture of healthcare and medical practices in historical periods but also offers valuable insights into cultural and social perceptions of the body, hygiene, and health. Among the various life stages, early childhood (from birth to approximately seven years of age) holds particular significance, as any neglect or insufficient attention to children’s health during these critical years often results in premature death or the emergence of various physical disabilities and chronic conditions.A significant portion of infant and child care was traditionally undertaken by mothers, often under the guidance of midwives and based on prevailing customs, rituals, and popular beliefs. In addition to these domestic practices, physicians played a considerable role by providing valuable recommendations on preventive measures and therapeutic approaches tailored to the specific needs of this age group. These recommendations were not only rooted in clinical experience but also grounded in the dominant theoretical framework of Iranian medicine, namely, the humoral system. According to this paradigm, diseases were believed to arise from an imbalance in the body’s humors, and the goal of treatment was to restore balance through various corrective and regulatory methods.Given the physiological characteristics and temperaments of children, the direct administration of many medications was considered difficult or even potentially harmful. Consequently, a substantial part of therapeutic interventions focused on adjusting the constitution and physical condition of the mother or wet nurse, as their health and breastfeeding quality were believed to directly influence the well-being of the child. Furthermore, popular beliefs and folk practices, alongside formal medical teachings, played an important role in shaping caregiving methods and approaches to disease diagnosis and treatment. This convergence of formal medical knowledge, lived experience, and popular beliefs offers a multidimensional perspective on healthcare and medical practices during the Safavid period. Materials and Methods   This study is interdisciplinary, combining historical and medical perspectives. Data were collected using a library-based research method, with most material derived from medical sources preserved in manuscript form. Findings are presented using a descriptive-analytical approach.Research on pediatric medicine in historical periods, particularly in the Safavid era, has been largely neglected. Existing studies address the topic only briefly and superficially. For example, the article " Considerations in the Childhood History of the Safavid Era " (Shahidani & Eslahi, 2021: 111-147) examines the advantages and disadvantages of the lives of court children and the social conditions of non-court children in Safavid Iran. However, it does not address child health care measures or pediatric diseases. Another study, "A Critical Analysis of Neonatal Care Measures from the Perspective of Baha’ alDawlah Razi(915-860AH)" (Latifi &… 2023: 14-21), focuses exclusively on the views of Bahāʾ al-Dawla Rāzī, a Safavid-era physician, regarding infant care measures. This article mainly covers immediate postnatal care and briefly touches on some infant ailments, but it neglects the variety of diseases, historical context, and popular aspects, which represent limitations of the study. Elgood (1978), in a chapter titled "Nutrition, Rearing, and Pediatric Medicine" in his book: Safavid medical practice, surgery and gynaecology in Persia between 1500 A. D. and 1750 A. D., provides some information on infant care and breastfeeding, mostly referencing pre-Safavid sources.None of these works comprehensively addresses child health preservation, caregiving practices, or treatment methods for various pediatric diseases. Accordingly, this study adopts a holistic approach to answer the question: What measures were employed in Safavid Iran to preserve child health, and how were pediatric diseases treated? Results and Discussion The investigation of pediatric health practices and therapeutic interventions during the Safavid era reveals a healthcare framework deeply rooted in humoral theory yet demonstrating notable coherence and attention to the specific needs of children. Despite the absence of modern microbiological knowledge, vaccination, and advanced pharmaceutical practices, Safavid physicians and caregivers placed considerable emphasis on preventive measures and holistic care. The prominence given to natural breastfeeding, the careful selection of wet nurses, and the regulation of their diet highlight an understanding of the interconnectedness between maternal health, nutrition, and child development. These practices, although grounded in premodern medical concepts, align with contemporary findings in pediatrics and psychology, which continue to underscore the critical role of nutrition and maternal well-being in shaping infant growth and temperament.Furthermore, the attention to non-pharmacological caregiving practices—such as lullabies, gentle rocking, and oil massage—demonstrates an early awareness of the connection between emotional stability and physical health. While these methods differ from modern evidence-based medical interventions, they reflect similar objectives: reducing infant stress, promoting healthy sleep patterns, and ensuring psychological comfort as an integral component of overall health. The integration of these practices suggests that, even in a historical context dominated by humoral theory, there was an implicit recognition of psychosomatic health principles.Another significant aspect of pediatric healthcare during the Safavid period was the emphasis on disease prevention and early diagnosis. Historical medical texts describe efforts to identify a wide spectrum of conditions, including neurological disorders, infectious diseases, and ailments affecting the eyes, ears, mouth, teeth, and gastrointestinal tract. Treatment approaches were adapted to children’s physiological vulnerabilities, often favoring topical and mild remedies, as well as dietary adjustments aimed at restoring humoral balance. Because of children’s delicate constitutions, therapeutic interventions frequently targeted the mother or wet nurse rather than the child directly, illustrating a systemic view of health that extended beyond the individual patient to their immediate caregiving environment.The coexistence of formal medical knowledge with popular beliefs also shaped pediatric care. Folk etiologies of disease and culturally embedded preventive practices coexisted with scholarly medicine, resulting in a hybrid medical culture that addressed both the physical and social dimensions of child health. These dynamics indicate that pediatric care in the Safavid period was not merely reactive but incorporated structured preventive measures and psychosocial support strategies.Although infant mortality remained higher than in societies with access to modern scientific knowledge and infrastructure, the Safavid approach to pediatric medicine underscores the long historical roots of many child health principles considered essential today, such as nutrition, hygiene, maternal support, and emotional well-being. The findings of this study, therefore, provide an important foundation for comparative historical research, demonstrating that the safeguarding of child health has deep cultural and intellectual continuity. Understanding these early frameworks offers valuable insights into how past medical systems conceptualized vulnerability and resilience in children and how these ideas continue to inform aspects of pediatric care in the modern era. Conclusions The study of social and medical history, especially in Safavid Iran, reveals that preserving the health of infants and young children was a central concern shaped by cultural, social, and medical knowledge systems. The humoral theory dominated medical understanding, framing disease as an imbalance of bodily fluids and guiding both preventive and therapeutic practices. Care primarily focused on mothers and wet nurses, emphasizing nutrition, hygiene, and psychological well-being to protect the vulnerable child.From birth and even during pregnancy, attention was given to milk quality, the temperament of the wet nurse, and avoiding harmful environmental factors. Treatments were administered cautiously due to the children’s physical sensitivity, favoring mild, topical remedies and preventive care to strengthen the child’s resistance. The use of herbal poultices, oil massages, and dietary management was a common strategy. Despite the absence of modern microbiological knowledge and vaccination, the emphasis on hygiene, nutrition, and emotional care demonstrates an early understanding of comprehensive child health. These historical health practices reflect a sophisticated approach within the humoral framework and provide valuable insights into societal attitudes toward vulnerable groups.This analysis not only enriches our understanding of Safavid medical heritage but also offers lessons for contemporary child health policies, underscoring the enduring cultural and historical foundations of pediatric care. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106128.html This study, with an analytical-historical approach and using the method of document content analysis, examines the performance of the Economic Council in dealing with the inflation crisis in 1976 and 1977. Using primary documents including the minutes of the Economic Council meetings, the Central Bank reports, and the Fifth Development Plan, the role of this institution in designing and implementing anti-inflation policies has been objectively and scientifically evaluated. The findings show that the main root of the inflation crisis was the unprecedented increase in oil revenues and the accelerated revision of the Fifth Development Plan, which led to the injection of increasing liquidity into an economy with limited absorption capacity and created conditions similar to the Dutch disease. These conditions were accompanied by increased dependence on imports, weakening tradable sectors, and the absorption of resources into unproductive sectors. The Economic Council identified the roots of inflation by adopting fiscal and monetary contractionary policies, including the revision of development projects and control of bank credits. However, the implementation of these policies faced structural, institutional and political obstacles. The failure of anti-inflationary policies was rooted in the fundamental contradiction between the technocratic-economic logic and the political-prestige logic that dominated the economic system of that period. This contradiction was manifested in three main axes: the priority of implementing large-scale projects over contractionary policies, incoordination and competition of executive bodies in allocating resources, and the diversion of bank credits from the production sector to unproductive activities. But the main question of this research is why, despite the recognition of the roots of inflation by the technocrats present in the Economic Council, the policies adopted failed to control inflation? Was this failure due to technical errors, weakness in policy implementation, or structural and political factors? Introduction During the final years of the Pahlavi dynasty, from 1976 to 1977, Iran faced a severe inflation crisis that became a defining economic challenge for the regime. The Supreme Economic Council, as the principal institution for macroeconomic policy, was tasked with designing and implementing strategies to combat this surge. This period was marked by an unprecedented influx of oil revenues, which, while seemingly a boon, precipitated a crisis. A hasty, large-scale revision of the Fifth Development Plan injected massive liquidity into the system, far exceeding the economy's absorptive capacity and triggering intense demand-pull inflation. The economy began to exhibit classic symptoms of "Dutch disease": a heightened dependence on imports, the weakening of tradable sectors like agriculture and industry, and a shift of resources toward non-productive areas such as real estate. In response, the technocrats within the Supreme Economic Council correctly diagnosed the roots of the inflation. They proposed a set of theoretically sound contractionary fiscal and monetary policies, including a review of major development projects and controls on bank credit, aiming to cool down the overheated economy. However, these policies ultimately failed. This study argues that the failure was not a result of flawed technical analysis but of insurmountable structural and political barriers. A fundamental conflict existed between the rational economic logic of the technocrats and the prevailing political logic of a rentier state. The government's focus remained on prestigious, long-term projects, while a lack of coordination among executive agencies and a dysfunctional banking system that fueled speculation rather than production undermined any attempt at fiscal and monetary discipline. This analysis, therefore, moves beyond a critique of policy execution to examine the deep-seated institutional and political paralysis that prevented the implementation of effective anti-inflationary measures, ultimately highlighting the structural vulnerabilities of the Pahlavi political economy.   Materials And Methods   This study employs a qualitative, analytical-historical approach to investigate the failure of anti-inflationary policies in Iran between 1976 and 1977. The research methodology is primarily grounded in the systematic content analysis of archival documents, allowing for an in-depth reconstruction of the decision-making processes within the Pahlavi regime's key economic institution. The core materials for this research consist of primary, and often unpublished, documents sourced from the National Archives of Iran (SAKMA). Central to this collection are the verbatim minutes of the Supreme Economic Council meetings held during the period of study. These records are invaluable as they provide a direct window into the policy debates, the diagnoses of the economic crisis, the proposed solutions, and the critical interactions between the state's leading technocrats—such as the head of the Plan and Budget Organization and the governor of the Central Bank—and the ultimate political authority, the Shah. This primary data allows for a nuanced analysis of the arguments, priorities, and conflicts that shaped economic policy.   Result and Discussion The results clearly indicate that the Council's technocrats, led by figures from the Plan and Budget Organization and the Central Bank, accurately identified the primary drivers of inflation. Their discussions consistently pointed to demand-pull pressures fueled by the massive and rapid injection of oil revenues into the economy. They correctly diagnosed the "Dutch disease" effects: severe supply bottlenecks in infrastructure like ports and transport, a critical shortage of skilled labor, and the diversion of capital and labor away from productive sectors toward speculative activities, particularly in real estate. The policy prescriptions they formulated were a direct and rational response to this diagnosis: a contractionary fiscal policy centered on a drastic review and postponement of large-scale development projects, and a tightening of monetary policy by imposing firm limits on bank credit expansion. However, the discussion of these findings exposes a series of insurmountable barriers that rendered these policies inert. The first and most significant obstacle was the primacy of the Shah's political will over economic logic. The minutes reveal that while the Shah verbally consented to austerity, he fundamentally rejected any measures that would slow down or halt the showcase projects of his "Great Civilization." His priorities lay with capital-intensive, long-term ventures—nuclear power plants, advanced military bases, and heavy industries—which he viewed as essential symbols of national prestige and power. Technocratic pleas for fiscal discipline and a shift toward "quick-yielding" investments to meet immediate consumer needs were consistently overruled by this overarching political agenda. Second, the state apparatus was characterized by severe bureaucratic fragmentation and competition. Instead of a coordinated national effort, government ministries and powerful entities like the military operated as rival fiefdoms, vying for the largest possible share of oil revenues. They frequently bypassed the Plan and Budget Organization, securing project approvals and funding directly from the Shah. This created a state of fiscal anarchy, where "commitments outside the budget" became the norm, making any centralized control over government expenditure impossible. Third, this dysfunction was compounded by the perverse incentives within the financial system. The Council's own reports confirmed that the surge in bank credit was not financing productive investment in agriculture or industry. Instead, it was overwhelmingly channeled into land and real estate speculation, which offered far higher and faster returns. The banking system thus became a primary engine of the very inflation it was supposed to help control, fueling a massive asset bubble, exacerbating the cost of living, and widening social inequality. In essence, the Supreme Economic Council was a forum for rational deliberation trapped within an irrational political structure. Its technocratic logic clashed with a system driven by political prestige, bureaucratic rivalry, and speculative rent-seeking. The policies failed because the fundamental structure of the Pahlavi state prioritized rapid, symbolic modernization over stable, balanced economic development, creating a crisis that its own institutions were powerless to resolve.   Conclusions This study concludes that the failure of the Supreme Economic Council to curb the hyperinflation of 1976–1977 was not a failure of economic diagnosis but one of political and institutional capacity. The Council's technocrats accurately identified the crisis as a classic case of demand-pull inflation driven by excessive oil revenues and correctly prescribed contractionary fiscal and monetary policies. However, these rational solutions were fundamentally incompatible with the structure and logic of the Pahlavi rentier state. The implementation of sound economic policy was systematically blocked by three structural barriers: the absolute primacy of the Shah's political will, which prioritized prestige projects over fiscal stability; a fragmented and competitive bureaucracy that made coordinated national policy impossible; and a dysfunctional financial sector that amplified the crisis by channeling credit into speculation instead of production. The Supreme Economic Council, therefore, became a theater for rational deliberation whose conclusions had little bearing on actual state practice. Its failure exemplifies the critical disconnect between technocratic knowledge and political power, revealing a regime whose developmental ambitions had fatally outstripped its institutional ability to manage them, thus accelerating its own economic and political unraveling.     https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106154.html “Chalderan", whose name in the history of Iran is associated with the renowned battle between the Safavids and the Ottomans in this region in 920 AH/1514 CE, was considered part of the province of Azerbaijan during the Safavid era and administratively subordinate to Coy. Before the Battle of Chalderan, this region was not at the center of historical developments; however, with the occurrence of the aforementioned battle, its name came into prominence. The present article seeks, through a historical–comparative approach, to analyze the frequency of this region’s name in the maps drawn by European cartographers. Contemplated the geographical image of Iran during the Safavid Era. Based on European maps, this name appeared for a specific period of time - namely, from the mid-10th/16th century to the mid-11th/17th century - in European depictions of Iran, and after a while it disappeared from the maps. Therefore, the specific research question of the article is: due to which factors did the name “Chalderan” emerge during the aforementioned period and subsequently disappear? The findings of the research indicate that the representation and omission of “Chalderan” in European cartography reflected the contingent geopolitical significance of historical events rather than the natural realities of the region in question. More specifically, the renown of the Battle of Chalderan was the primary factor behind the appearance of this toponym on maps, and with the gradual stabilization of Safavid–Ottoman relations and the decline of military tensions, the name was progressively forgotten in cartographic records. This process reveals the profound gap between local realities and external representations in European cartography.IntroductionWith the emergence of the Safavid dynasty, a new chapter was opened in Iran’s geopolitical interactions and international relations. In this context, Iran’s relations with the Ottoman Empire, as its most powerful western neighbor, attracted particular attention from European powers for strategic reasons. The persistent rivalry and conflict between Europe and the Ottoman Empire, coupled with diplomatic efforts to establish an alliance with Iran, provided the principal motivation for Europeans to collect precise geographical data—particularly concerning the border regions of western Iran and eastern Anatolia. European cartographers primarily focused on recording the western regions of Iran with greater accuracy on two grounds: first, the existence of significant overland routes in the western part of the country, which connected the southern maritime routes—the principal thoroughfare for travelers, merchants, and diplomatic envoys—to Iran. These travelers, who played a key role in transmitting geographical information to European cartographers, primarily provided more precise descriptions and depictions of these regions through direct observation. Second, given the Ottomans’ recurrent military engagements on their western fronts with European states, European cartographers closely monitored the developments along Iran’s western borders and the Safavid–Ottoman military-political conflicts, continuously reflecting the resulting changes in their maps.Accordingly, the maps of Iran produced by European cartographers—particularly those depicting its western regions—became a fundamental source for understanding how political, military, and geographical developments in Iran and the Ottoman Empire were monitored from a European perspective. Within this context, the region of “Chalderan,” as the site of one of the most significant military confrontations between the Safavid and Ottoman polities, attained a prominent position in European cartography. An examination of European maps from the Safavid period reveals that the name of this region emerged within a specific timeframe—from the mid-10th/16th century to the mid-11th/17th century—before gradually disappearing from cartographic records. In this regard, the focus of the article is to investigate the factors behind the rise and subsequent disappearance of the name “Chalderan” in European cartography. The central question of the study is: due to which factors did the name “Chalderan” first appear and then gradually vanish from European maps? Materials And Methods   This study employs a historical-comparative research method. According to this approach, in the first step, the authors selectively chose seven European maps in which the emergence and subsequent disappearance of the name “Chalderan” is particularly prominent. They then provided, in the chronological order of the maps’ publication, a description of Chaldiran’s spatial relationship with its surrounding regions. Concurrently with this chronological description, direct and indirect historical events related to the Chaldiran region were extracted from contemporary Safavid historiographical sources. As a result, the primary factors behind the emergence, persistence, and subsequent disappearance of the name “Chalderan” in European cartography were identified. To elucidate this issue, the authors, at the beginning of the article, present preliminary discussions on the current geographical position of Chaldiran based on modern maps and geographical information, followed by an examination of its historical geography during the period under study—that is, the Safavid era—drawing on historical, geographical, and administrative writings. This provides the necessary context for addressing the place of Chaldiran in European cartography. The final section is divided into two related headings: the first addresses the emergence of the name “Chalderan” on maps, and the second examines its decline and disappearance from cartography. In each section, data extracted from the maps are analyzed in relation to historical events. The data collection method of the study is library-based, relying on maps as well as historiographical and geographical writings. Result and Discussion The study of European maps of Iran during the Safavid period, from 16 to the 18th century, reveals that the name “Chalderan” first appeared in European cartography in the second half of the 16th century, and before that, there had been no direct reference to this region. An examination of the maps by Gastaldi (1548) and Ruscelli (1561) demonstrates that, although various regions such as Tabriz, Khoy, and Lake Van were marked in northwestern Iran, the name “Chalderan” was absent. The name “Chalderan” appeared for the first time in Abraham Ortelius’s map of Iran (1570), where it was placed in northwestern Iran, adjacent to the Ottoman borders. Two notable features accompanied this designation: the addition of the suffix “Campus” and its visual emphasis relative to the surrounding areas. These elements reflect the military significance of the region and its role as the battlefield between the Safavids and the Ottomans in the perception of European cartographers. The process of recording and emphasizing the name “Chalderan” continued in subsequent maps, such as John Speed’s map (1626) and even Nicolaes Visscher’s world map (1652). However, after the mid-seventeenth century, this name ceased to appear in European cartography. The emergence of “Chaldiran” in maps was directly linked to the renowned Battle of Chaldiran (1514), and its role as the site of confrontation between the Safavids and the Ottomans compelled cartographers to record it. Other military and political developments between the Safavids and the Ottomans—such as the Ottoman invasions of Tabriz and the treaties of Amasya and Zahab—were significant, yet they did not reproduce the same level of importance for the Chaldiran region. Instead, this area primarily functioned as a passageway for Safavid and Ottoman political and military forces.After the mid-seventeenth century, shifts in political relations, the consolidation of borders, and the reduction of military conflicts led to a decline in the military and political significance of Chalderan, resulting in its omission from European maps. Examples such as the maps of Adam Olearius (1656) and Guillaume Delisle (1724) illustrate the disappearance of the name “Chalderan,” although surrounding areas such as Khoy—of which Chalderan was a district—continued to appear. This disappearance was not due to cartographers’ lack of knowledge, but rather to changing centers of geopolitical attention and the temporal distance from the prominent historical event associated with the region, namely the Battle of Chaldiran.An analysis of this process reveals that the inclusion or omission of geographical names in European maps was often closely tied to political and military developments, with the significance of places in collective memory and cartography being shaped by major historical events. The name “Chalderan” is a striking example of toponyms associated with military events, which gradually disappeared from maps once the significance of the event declined. Likewise, certain natural and military occurrences—such as the severe cold in the vicinity of Chalderan in 1604 and the defeat of Ottoman forces—though they temporarily enhanced the geographical importance of the region, failed to secure its lasting presence in European cartography. Thus, the case study of “Chalderan” demonstrates that European cartography was shaped by the complex interplay of politics, collective memory, and spatial significance, with changes in the cartographic status of a place reflecting shifts in its political and military importance. This process offers a generalizable example of how geopolitical transformations in a given region influenced European mapmaking and gradually redirected historical-geographical attention to other locations. It also reveals that places acquire or lose identity and significance not only based on natural realities, but equally through historical and military events, which determine whether they are remembered or forgotten. Conclusions The Battle of Chalderan between the Safavids and the Ottomans marked a turning point in Iran’s political and military history, solidifying the name “Chalderan” in the memory of Iranian historians and geographers, while also paving the way for its inclusion in European cartography. Although this designation appeared in European maps more than five decades after the battle, it clearly reflected the strategic and military significance of the region. The name “Chalderan” continued to appear in maps specifically of Iran, as well as in some Asian and world maps, until the mid-seventeenth century, after which it gradually disappeared. This trend indicates that the appearance and disappearance of a name on European maps did not necessarily correspond to its actual significance within the country; in the case of “Chalderan,” reduced European contact with the region and shifting geopolitical priorities—including key routes and communication pathways—led to its omission from maps. This example illustrates the disjunction between local realities and their external representation in historical cartography, highlighting the influence of political, economic, and communication factors on the depiction of geography. Examining this process not only enriches the local history of Iran but also contributes to understanding the mechanisms of geographical knowledge production and the role of power within the field of the history of science in the West. It is recommended that future studies focus on systematically comparing European maps with Iranian indigenous sources to critically reassess how historical events were reflected in cartography and how this influenced political geography, thereby revealing the hidden layers of this process more fully. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106391.html Government employees, as an influential social group in Iran, have consistently played a significant role in shaping the country's administrative and economic processes, a role that became more pronounced during the modern era and the period dominated by bureaucracy. With the beginning of Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reign, issues related to the wages and livelihoods of government staff emerged as one of their primary concerns. In response to policies aimed at reducing salaries and limiting benefits, employees resorted to new forms of protest, including strikes and office closures, to pressure the government and assert their demands. This article aims to examine the activism of employees in various ministries of the capital in reaction to the Budget Commission’s decision to reduce salaries, and to clarify the causes, course, and consequences of the first public strike of government employees during Reza Shah Pahlavi’s rule. Based on historical documents, memoirs, laws, parliamentary debates, and analysis of contemporary newspapers, the study shows that the strike was not only a response to concerns over reduced income and livelihood difficulties but also a natural reaction to rising inflation and the country’s economic crisis. Although initially intended as a means to protest the salary reductions, the employees’ occupation of the National Consultative Assembly gradually became a political arena and a site of confrontation between different factions. This collective action successfully prevented the approval of the Budget Commission’s plan and, alongside growing criticism of Mostowfi al-Mamalek’s cabinet, exerted broad political and social pressure on the government, ultimately leading to his resignation. Introduction Military and civil employees, along with administrative personnel in modern Iran—particularly after the Constitutional Revolution constituted a significant and active social class, playing a notable role in the country’s political and social transformations. Due to their positions and responsibilities within the bureaucratic system, this group has always been a key pillar of governmental power. At the same time, their demands and dissatisfaction had the potential to challenge political and administrative stability. One of the main concerns of government employees was the timely and full payment of their salaries and benefits. Historical evidence shows that since the establishment of ministries and the expansion of the bureaucracy, salary management has consistently posed a serious challenge for governments. During the Qajar period, a substantial portion of the national budget was allocated to employee salaries, and despite various governmental measures to organize financial affairs, payment issues and employee dissatisfaction persisted.With the rise of the Pahlavi dynasty, a new phase in the administrative history of Iran began. The enactment of the Civil Service Law in 1922 (1301 SH) brought some regularity to the financial status of government employees, yet the state’s financial pressures to fund modernization projects and accommodate the increasing number of staff once again highlighted salary and financial challenges. During this period, government employees played a significant and effective role in political developments through strikes, office closures, and protest gatherings. A prominent example of this activism was the widespread strike of government employees at the beginning of Reza Shah’s reign. This event arose in response to the Budget Commission’s decision to reduce salaries and restructure wage scales, and through office closures and gatherings in the National Consultative Assembly, it escalated into a serious political and administrative crisis. This crisis not only exerted pressure on parliament members and the cabinet but ultimately led to the resignation of Mostowfi al-Mamalek and a change in government.The incident demonstrated that government employees, as an informed and active social class, could, in addition to stabilizing political structures, challenge the power structure through collective demands and protests, thereby exerting a direct influence on government decision-making processes. Materials And Methods   This study is qualitative and focuses on content analysis of newspapers, historical documents, memoirs, parliamentary debates, and previous studies on the administrative system and the National Employment Law. The extracted data were classified and organized for analysis to evaluate the civil servants’ strike in the early years of Reza Shah’s reign. Using a retrospective approach, the research first examines the state of the country’s administrative system during this period, then analyzes the causes and process of the general strike and office closures, and finally explains the consequences of this event for the administrative structure of the country. If you want, I can also translate the abstract and introduction into English in the same clear, academic style so the whole paper is ready. Do you want me to do that?  Result and Discussion Payment of salaries has been one of the main concerns of government employees since the Qajar period. Financial instability, wars, corruption, and government inefficiency led employees, at different times, to resort to various forms of protest. After the Constitutional Revolution, strikes and sit-ins became more prominent as a means of claiming overdue wages. Efforts such as those by Morgan Shuster and Bernard Bell to organize financial affairs partially improved the payment situation, but problems persisted. Financial aid from wealthy individuals was also insufficient, and timely salary payments were not fully established until the reign of Reza Shah.After the 1921 Persian coup d'état, irregularities in salary payments continued. Financial officers and administrative staff often did not receive their wages. In this context, Arthur Millspaugh came to Iran to organize financial and administrative affairs, and the National Employment Law was enacted in Azar 1301 (December 1922). This law established nine administrative ranks with specified salaries for each rank, creating relative order in salary payments and administrative discipline. Nevertheless, the wages of lower-ranking employees were insufficient to cover living costs, and dissatisfaction persisted. Low salaries contributed to corruption and bribery, prompting the enactment of anti-embezzlement laws, but the core issue of full and timely salary payments remained unresolved until the beginning of Reza Shah’s reign.Mossadegh al-Mamalek (1305-1306 AH) aimed to reform the Employment Law and proposed revising the salary scale system. However, the Budget Commission, to fund modernization projects, reduced employees’ salary scales. This decision particularly affected lower-ranking employees, who were often renters and whose incomes did not cover living expenses, creating conditions for public protest and strikes.In Ordibehesht 1306 (May1927), the Budget Commission reduced the salaries of lower-ranking employees from 32 to 29 tomans, while parliamentary representatives’ salaries were increased. This led approximately three thousand ministry and government employees to march to the parliament building and stage a sit-in in the parliamentary courtyard. They demanded a halt to salary reductions and the establishment of a civil servants’ union, disrupting parliamentary sessions. Newspapers sharply criticized the protests, but employees’ economic and livelihood pressures were the main reasons behind the action.The strike prompted the Budget Commission to retract the salary reductions. Employees up to rank 5 retained the 32toman salary, and higher ranks saw gradual increases. Reforms were also made to the salary scale system, with fixed salaries assigned to each rank, partially ensuring fairness and employee satisfaction. Mossadegh al-Mamalek’s government issued statements calling for calm among employees and ordered the prosecution of strike leaders.The police (Nazmiyeh) arrested some employees and temporarily suspended them. Parliament also reviewed the incident, and considering public pressure, decided to pardon most employees. Fifty representatives sent a letter to the government requesting the pardon of employees. These measures restored relative calm in the administrations and brought the strike to an end. Conclusions Employee dissatisfaction and discontent among Iran’s bureaucrats regarding their salaries and benefits has been one of the significant issues in the history of the country’s modern administrative developments. Since the enactment of the first civil service law, timely payment of salaries has been highly influenced by the economic and financial conditions, often fluctuating, and at various times causing dissatisfaction and strikes. During Reza Shah’s era, although government offices and employees appeared to move toward administrative reform and greater efficiency, salary levels were still insufficient for a comfortable life. Nevertheless, the Ministry of Economic Affairs and the Budget Commission at the beginning of his reign decided to reduce government employees’ salaries to lower current expenses and finance modernization projects. This decision caused severe discontent, particularly among lower-level employees, and led to a general strike at the Parliament building.The employees’ protest reflected their first strong reaction to salary reductions and highlighted the Budget Commission’s lack of attention to fairness in salary distribution. The greatest impact fell on lower-level employees, while it would have been more reasonable to reduce the salaries of higher-ranking officials and parliamentary representatives. The Mostowfi al-Mamalek cabinet issued directives urging employees to end the strike and initiated legal action against its organizers. Members of Parliament considered the strike as a rebellion against the legislative body and an affront to the representatives. This incident revealed tensions and conflicts among employees, the parliament, and political factions, ultimately leading to Mostowfi’s resignation. The findings indicate that the first general strike of government employees not only had economic dimensions but also carried significant political and social consequences, demonstrating the power and influence of the bureaucratic class in the modern political and administrative developments of Iran.  https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106342.html The occupation of Iran during World War II brought about significant changes in Iran’s political, economic, social, and foreign relations spheres. Prior to the war, Germany was one of Iran’s main trade partners, but with the occupation of Iran, the United States replaced it. The present study aims to examine the commercial relations between Iran and the United States during World War II, the volume and diversity of exchanged goods between the two countries, and the reasons for the fluctuations in these exchanges. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach, primarily relying on library and documentary sources, particularly Iran’s trade statistics and published data from the National Bank and the General Customs Administration. The research findings indicate that during World War II, the volume and value of trade exchanges between Iran and the United States, especially Iran’s imports from the latter, showed an increasing trend, and the United States became Iran’s second-largest trade partner. The main factors contributing to this shift include the military presence of the United States in Iran, the employment of American military and economic advisors, the implementation of the U.S. Lend-Lease Act, Iran’s efforts to reduce British and Soviet influence with the help of a third power (the United States), and the change in America’s isolationist policy towards an active global presence. These factors had a significant impact on the expansion of trade between Iran and the United States during this period. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106617.html Construction of the New Official Identity during the First Pahlavi Era in the Arab Community of Khuzestan, with an Emphasis on the Role of Schools Abstract The policy of school-building was pursued throughout the reign of Reza Shah as one of the main pillars in constructing a new Iranian national identity. With the aim of centralizing power and strengthening national cohesion, the Pahlavi state implemented new educational policies across the country, and the Arab community of Khuzestan was no exception. This article examines the school-building policy and the expansion of modern education among the Arabs of Khuzestan during 1925–1941. The main research questions concern the significance of the school-building movement in Arab-inhabited regions, the extent to which its objectives were fulfilled, and the geographical scope of its quantitative growth. Based on the historical method and drawing on archival documents and periodicals from the Reza Shah era, the findings indicate that the establishment of state schools in Arab regions served not only as a means of promoting literacy and education but also as an instrument for the penetration and dissemination of elements of the new official national identity, national values, and, simultaneously, the weakening of local identity. The research further shows that, alongside the financial resources of the Ministry of Education, institutions such as the Oil Company and military forces in Khuzestan played an influential role in advancing this policy. Available statistics demonstrate that the state devoted greater attention to the school-building movement in the Arab community of Khuzestan than in other parts of the country, as this policy was perceived as a tool for consolidating the state’s identity discourse and tightening regional control. Keywords: Arab community of Khuzestan, modern education system, Reza Shah period, official national identity, school-building policy https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106618.html With the outbreak of World War I, the British military command established and began operating nine post offices in Abadan, Ahvaz, and other parts of southern Iran. After the end of the war, the Iranian government, on the one hand as an independent government that wanted to participate in the Universal Postal Congress and on the other hand to benefit from postal revenues, opened the door to correspondence with the British embassy in Tehran and asked the British government to dissolve its nine offices in southern Iran and hand them all over to the Iranian government. This article, using a documentary-analytical research method based on documents from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, aims to answer this question of how the Iranian government faced British post offices in the midst of the incompetence resulting from the countless damages of the war and the many internal disturbances, and what measures did it take to end the colonial domination of England through the Postal Monopoly Act? The results of this research confirm the fact that government officials who were the guardians of national interests and in charge of postal affairs during this period, were not only aware of the colonial and totalitarian practices of the British, but also did not refrain from any action referred to in this article to protect national interests and realize the violated rights of the Iranian people during the turmoil resulting from World War I and the internal chaos of the country. Keywords: World War I, colonial interventions, Abadan Post Office, Ahvaz Post Office, Persian Gulf. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106619.html The issues and challenges of Iranian trade during the Qajar era were among the main concerns of the Akhter newspaper. Published in Istanbul, outside the political domain of Iran, Akhter enjoyed relative immunity from state censorship and therefore was able to express its economic and social perspectives with greater freedom. Strongly influenced by European economic liberalism, particularly the ideas of Adam Smith, the newspaper critically analyzed the disordered state of Iranian trade and, through numerous articles, not only criticized existing conditions but also proposed solutions for reform. This study has been conducted using a descriptive–analytical approach, based on content analysis of the articles published in Akhter. The central question of the research is: what major obstacles to the development of Iranian trade during the Qajar era were identified by the newspaper, and what solutions did it propose for overcoming them? The findings reveal that Akhter regarded government passivity and negligence, the lack of economic organization, fraud in domestic production, an unfavorable trade balance, and the absence of modern commercial regulations and frameworks as the principal barriers to trade development in Iran. In addition to its critiques, Akhter emphasized the necessity of establishing modern economic institutions such as trading companies, banks, insurance firms, and international exhibitions, considering them as prerequisites for Iran’s entry into the sphere of global commerce. Accordingly, it can be argued that Akhter, inspired by Western economic models and adopting a reformist perspective, strongly advocated for the modernization of Iran’s traditional trade structures and their adaptation to global transformations. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106620.html The legitimacy of governments has been an issue for rulers in Iran from the past to the present. Legitimacy is a relative issue for all governments, and no government has had and will never have complete and absolute legitimacy. Many governments in Iran have also grappled with the issue of legitimacy and have even faced a crisis in this regard. Despite the military power of Cairo and the victory over the occupying enemies, the government of Nader Shah faced the issue of legitimacy from the very beginning of the Afshari dynasty, and over time this issue turned into a crisis of legitimacy. Using the historical method, this article seeks to answer the question of what were the causes and contexts of the crisis of legitimacy of the Naderi government and what was Nader's reaction to this crisis? The findings of the research suggest that two types of causes and contexts, originary and functional, caused problems and then crises in the legitimacy of Naderi's government. From the originary perspective, the existence of a deep-rooted rival legitimacy and the lack of lineage legitimacy were challenges that Nader always struggled with. According to the findings of the present study, functional legitimacy was a much more important factor that caused the erosion of legitimacy and made it critical. Performance based on tyranny, inefficiency and dysfunction of the government, crisis in identity and participation, attempts to transform the foundations of religious legitimacy, and the rupture of the knowledge-power relationship in legitimation were among the main causes of the crisis in the legitimacy of the Naderi government. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106668.html Migration during the Qajar period was a complex and multidimensional phenomenon rooted in unjust political, economic, and environmental structures. Using the framework of Johan Galtung’s theory of structural violence, this study examines the causes of internal and external migration during this period and shows how the systematic deprivation of basic human needs (such as survival, well-being, security, and environmental balance) fueled forced displacement. The data for this study is based on 68 documented reports from Qajar era travelogues that analyze structural violence in three dimensions: environmental, political, and economic. The findings of the study show that the inefficiency of government institutions and discriminatory policies made migration an inevitable solution for survival. Also, geographically, the central, western, and northern regions of Iran had the largest share in emigration due to the combination of these factors, while destinations such as Tehran (as the capital and center of power) and neighboring countries (Russia and the Ottoman Empire) acted as the main centers of emigration. This descriptive-analytical study considers emigration in the Qajar era not as an individual choice, but as a direct consequence of unjust structures, and provides an analytical framework for understanding similar crises in other historical periods. The present study is important from the theoretical and methodological aspects, and by providing quantitative and qualitative analysis, it provides a new understanding of the demographic dynamics of this historical period. Finally, this study argues that structural violence, as a driving force, was the basis for one of the most important demographic developments of the Qajar era. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106725.html “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar” are two works by Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani, a historian, writer, and head of the Kerman Rasa’el Divan during the reign of the Qara-Khitai goverment. The first book is one of the important sources of local history of Kerman during the seventh and early eighth centuries, and the second book is also a valuable work on the history of ministers, and both are written in Persian. Although some research has been conducted on the stylistic features of the prose of these two works, the present article, using the method of historical studies and an analytical approach, has addressed another aspect of the prose of these works. In this regard, the main question of the present article is: from the perspective of the prose of “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar”, what religious approach did Monshi Kermani have and is this approach evident in his literary writing? The findings of the research indicate that, based on the prose of “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar, Naser al-Din Monshi Kermani, in addition to presenting a positive view of the Rightly Guided Caliphs and describing and praising them, also spoke well of the Shiite Imams, which largely demonstrates his liberal approach and is far from fanaticism. In other words, in introducing individuals, he looked at their performance rather than their religion. The findings of the research indicate that, based on the prose of “Simṭ al-'ulā li l-ḥaḍrat al-'ulyā” and “Nasā’im al-asḥār min Latā’im al-akhbar”, Naser al-Din Monshi, in addition to presenting a positive view of the Rightly Guided Caliphs and describing and praising them, also spoke well of the Shiite Imams, which largely demonstrates his liberal approach and is far from fanaticism. https://irhj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106734.html The present study, based on Georg Simmel's theoretical framework and concepts such as monetary economy, consumption, women's work, contentment, extravagance, and marriage for money, analyzes the role of urban women in the family's economic management during the Qajar period. This study examines the urban society of the Qajar period, focusing on newspapers published in Iran between 1319 and 1343 AH.Women during the Qajar period were divided into three groups: urban, rural, and tribal, each of which played a different role in the family economy; while rural and tribal women had a more direct participation in household production and income,the role of urban women was mainly managerial and supervisory and was defined within the framework of consumption and organizing the household economy. The newspapers of that period reflect the society's attitude towards changing and improving the role of urban women in the family economy.By criticizing extravagance and preference for imported goods,these newspapers encouraged women to be content and defined a new role for them.Also,encouraging income generation through handicraft training and women-only factories were proposed as solutions for economic empowerment.Newspapers also pointed out the social consequences of unemployment and lack of job opportunities for women and examined its relationship with non-normative behaviors, which was one of the critical methods that newspapers continuously pursued.The research, with a descriptive-analytical approach, by analyzing the qualitative content of newspapers and using library resources,answers the question of how urban women played a role in family economic management and what newspapers' attitude was towards this role.The findings show that newspapers were active in changing the traditional attitude towards the economic role of urban women and encouraged them to have relative economic independence, make decisions in marriage, and maintain personal dignity; an issue that can be explained by the components of monetary economy and consumption in Simmel's theory.